The Heroic Presidency in the Era of Divided Government

Abstract

Contemporary democratic theorists focus on democratic processes to the exclusion of the substantive goods which motivated their predecessors. This undermines the legitimacy of democracy, especially in an era of emerging democracies. This article critiques underlying deficiencies in contemporary theory and prescribes revisiting early modern, natural-law-based democratic theory exemplified by John Locke. Locke argued that the ultimate legitimacy of democratic processes depends on their serving the good of the people, as distinct from the will of the people. The authors argue that this conclusion is unavoidable, because it is impossible for democratic legitimacy to rest ultimately on any kind of process at all, even a democratic process. Legitimacy must rest on a substantive norm used to govern (create or repair) processes. Contemporary democratic theory seems unwilling to revisit this important problem.     

Tocqueville and the End of History

Abstract

We argue for the relevance of a contemporary return to Shakespeare because his work prompts thinking about the “Body Politic,” perhaps the most vivid and enduring image in speech describing political community ever proposed. Shakespeare's meditation on this image invites us to reflect on the conditions under which a body politic can be made whole; that the constitution of any formal commonwealth requires a self-conscious articulation of the body politic and that this articulation could not happen without the parts themselves being aware of their partial character within the whole political order. The need for the consent of those parts in the political order to which they would belong thus becomes suddenly more evident. Shakespeare's plays show that this need for consent always emerges within discrete political communities. As such, the constituent parts of those communities must grant consent, exercise and enjoy their rights, and participate in the whole within the limitations circumscribed by their political boundaries and borders. His dramatic works thus help us reconsider contemporary attacks on the nation-state and illuminate the body politic as an essential means for bringing into being the preconditions and framework required for healthy political life, including liberal democracy, to flourish.     

A study of the origins of the Chinese communist movement from a new perspective – The History of the Establishment of the Chinese Communist Party by Ishikawa Yoshihiro

From around the time of the Opium War to the May Fourth New Culture Movement, democracy in China advanced through four stages. Originally it surfaced as a germ of rough ideas gleaned from imported knowledge; from there, democracy transpired gradually via various avenues towards a more sophisticated level in the period from the Second Opium War until before the Sino–Japanese War of 1894–1895 and meanwhile a number of individuals favoring utilitarianism opted for a constitutional monarchy as a way of making the nation strong. Then, following the Sino–Japanese War 1894–1895 until prior to the 1911 Revolution, when manifold Western ideas of democracy penetrated China, people embarked on somber discussions about what kind of democratic system China actually needed to adopt. During the years between 1912 and the May Fourth New Culture Movement, people initially rushed to build democratic politics but afterwards began to examine the ideologies and social structures that demonstrated compatibility with democracy. By the time the May Fourth Movement emerged, people hardly disagreed on the sense of democracy that they understood. After the May Fourth Movement people mainly focused their attention on the question of true and false democracy or the matter of what type of democracy harmonized best with national conditions in China.     

Have Taught a Foreign Language in Elementary Grades

The cultural democratization of post-Franco Spain meant the removal of the division between high and low culture. Such democratization of Spanish culture meant a new concept of culture in which, as stated by the postmodern motto, “everything goes,” and that in television translated as the proliferation of reality shows and trash TV and in literature as non-intellectual publications aimed at entertaining readers. Belén Esteban's work Ambiciones y reflexiones (2013) is a good example. I make use of this work to prove that what has traditionally been considered as “low culture” is not necessarily a culture inferior to “high culture” in Spain today. Thus I underline the necessity of replacing the term “low culture” or counterculture for “postculture.” The methodology I utilize is made up mostly of the critical theories of Helen Graham and Jo Labanyi regarding the dichotomy between high and low culture, Cristina Moreiras-Menor's postulate about the need for accepting show culture and consumer culture in Spain due to the split with the dictatorial past this culture signifies, and Mario Vargas Llosa’s rejection of present-day mass culture, a rejection that the aforementioned theorists challenge. Additionally, I support my study with José Álvarez-Junco's premises regarding the difficulty of defining national identity, a crucial topic in Ambiciones y reflexiones and which is related to the high/low culture dichotomy. Luis Moreno-Caballud’s criticism about democracy and its meaning in our neoliberal cultural market complements the critical methodology of this analysis.     

Local government and the meanings of political representation: A case study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915

Since the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.     

Garibaldi and parliamentary democracy

Abstract

The extraordinary nature of Garibaldi's life is reflected in his involvement in parliamentary activities across a number of countries (Uruguay, Kingdom of Sardinia, Roman Republic, Kingdom of Italy, French Republic). After the national unification, Parliament became a kind of great sounding board in Garibaldi's strategy thanks in part to the fact that in the Chamber he could count on a group of followers who were always ready to support any issue vaguely to do with memories of the Risorgimento or irredentist aspirations. His failure to steer the new state in the desired direction through the legislative process certainly influenced Garibaldi's negative opinion of parliamentary work. Garibaldi could not however recognize as an expression of popular sovereignty a parliament in whose election only 2 per cent of the population were allowed to participate. His main political battle was the fight for universal suffrage which was intended to enfranchise all Italians, thus turning subjects into citizens and finally making parliamentary institutions nationally representative and democratically legitimate.     

新中国成立初期农村基层普选运动中政治动员的意义阐释

新中国成立初期的第一次普选运动是中国共产党领导的民主下乡的集中实践。针对乡村民众对普选的认知,政府在普选的每一个环节都进行了相应的宣传和动员。普选动员在贯彻国家意志中培养了民众的民主意识,在新旧政权的对比中引发了民众的民主参与热情,在彰显人民民主的意图中加深了民众对民主意涵的理解,在男女平等的宣传中激活了妇女对民主权利的主张。普选的政治动员推动了民主下乡的进程,成为后来农村基层民主勃兴的历史因子。     

浅议抗战时期民主进程中的几个问题

抗日战争是中国民主发展史上一个极为独特又极为重要的时期。在战争的硝烟中,互相对立的集权和民主趋势都各自获得新的发展动力。国民党的集权达到了前所未有的程度,而民主运动的发展也达到了前所未有的规模。最终,固守一党专政体制的国民党逐渐失去了社会的支持。具有在野党与区域执政党双重身份的中国共产党,紧紧抓住了民主的旗帜,既竭力向国民党要求西式民主,又在自己的统治区域探索试行新的民主制度,并发展出新的民主政治理论——新民主主义论。对战争后期的民主运动发生影响的国际因素也不可忽视,美国对国民政府经历了一个从期望到失望的过程,而中国人民对美国也同样经历了一个从期望到失望的过程。从长远来看,抗战时期国共双方在民主问题上的一失一得,已在某种程度上决定了未来中国的走向。     

Vertical Politics in Horizontal Policy Networks: Framework Setting as Coupling Arrangement

Horizontal governance arrangements potentially conflict with the very principles of the representative democracy and its political institutions. This conflict manifests itself in the interaction between representatives and the executive power: Although the former has the formal power to decide upon policies and to check their implementation, the latter participates in horizontal networks and therefore has more resources to influence the content, evolvement, and outcomes of the policy process. This erodes the power position of representatives. Framework setting is commonly suggested as an arrangement for representatives to enhance their grip on policy processes. The authors of this contribution examine the effects of framework setting as coupling mechanism between horizontal networks and vertical politics in six policy processes in a Dutch province. Based on network theory and research findings, they suggest redefining the concept of framework setting in order to make it more attuned to the complex, interdependent, and dynamic nature of policymaking in networks.     

What Is Next for Policy Design and Social Construction Theory?1

The study of policy design has made great progress over the past decade in leading scholars to understand why the American political system produces certain kinds of designs rather than others, and the consequences that policy designs have for democracy. This article outlines the distinctive and important elements of policy design theory—the centrality of policy design, the attention to social constructions, the attention to policy consequences (or feed‐forward effects), and the integration of normative and empirical research and theory. It then suggests how policy design theory can complement other policy theories in guiding research and evaluating the conditions of U.S. democracy, and how in its own right it can be further developed and used to guide important inquiry about public policy's politics and social impacts.