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101.
Teodora Todorova 《对极》2015,47(5):1367-1387
This paper examines some of the emerging critical civil society debates in relation to the one‐state solution being the most appropriate geo‐political arrangement for the articulation of freedom, justice and equality in Palestine‐Israel. This is done with reference to the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions’ 2012 statement in support of a bi‐national state and the ensuing critiques it attracted from Palestinian supporters of the one‐state position. Drawing on these debates which have largely revolved around Jewish Israeli rights to political self‐determination in Palestine‐Israel, this paper proposes that alternative versions of self‐determination as cultural rights for the established Hebrew‐speaking national community represent a more inclusive form of self‐determination in the eventuality of decolonisation.  相似文献   
102.
Scholars have been studying the concept of public engagement and its role in the policy process for some time. Scholars have argued that understanding the interests and motivations of the public and engaging them in the decision‐making process can lead to better policy designs and, ultimately, better policy outcomes. However, studies of public engagement often assume that people have a desire to get involved in the policy process. This paper tests this key assumption using the case of nuclear facility siting in the United States to ask: what factors influence an individual's stated willingness to want to engage in the policy process? Using data from a national web survey fielded in 2013, we ask the public if and to what extent they would likely engage in the siting process if given the opportunity. Findings indicate that the likelihood of engagement varies rather substantially across individuals. We find that an individual's cultural belief system and existing level of political activity account for some of this variation. These findings suggest that public engagement programs may vary across groups and communities. In other words, the prospects of engagement are likely to appeal to some members of the population and not others.  相似文献   
103.
2015尼泊尔地震对加德满都谷地的世界文化遗产造成不可估量的损失。为了探究谷地文化遗产震害整体分布特征,对谷地世界文化遗产建筑的震害状况开展实地调查,划分了三类文化遗产震害等级标准,形成了六处世界文化遗产的震害图并对其进行统计分析,加德满都、帕坦和巴德岗三处杜巴广场震后保存基本完好的文化遗产建筑占各自总数的39.5%、53.3%、50%,斯瓦扬布纳特寺、昌谷纳拉扬寺和博达哈大佛塔主体保存基本完好,附属建筑不同程度地破坏。加德满都、帕坦和巴德岗三处杜巴广场地层的松软沉积层放大地震效应使建筑严重破坏,斯瓦扬布纳特寺、昌谷纳拉扬寺震害主要受地形特征影响。考察成果为我国同类遗产建筑的抗震防护提供参考。  相似文献   
104.
气体污染物SO2是造成云冈石窟文物本体劣化的重要因素之一。为厘清SO2与水分耦合作用下的云冈砂岩劣化规律,开展不同SO2浓度、相对湿度以及降水条件下的室内模拟风化试验,测定试样质量、表面特征和化学成分变化。结果表明:SO2易与砂岩中的碳酸盐矿物(如方解石)和长石发生化学反应,产物包括CaSO4·2H2O、MgSO4·7H2O和高岭石等,且随着相对湿度增加,反应程度增大,造成试样的质量、色差值、可溶盐含量上升及硅铝比下降;液态水的参与能显著加快SO2与砂岩的相互作用过程,不但增加了各项指标的变化幅度,还加大了SO2入侵深度。研究成果可为砂岩质文物的科学认知和预防性保护提供参考。  相似文献   
105.
106.
非物质文化遗产保护是一项全人类、全社会卷入的公共文化事业,需要各方面主动扮演相应的角色、发挥各自的优势、承担特定的责任。把各个方面建构成积极有为的身份,就成为非遗保护的一项颇有建设价值的理论工作。其中,以"主体"身份看待相关的各个方面,是一项有益的尝试。界定非遗的主体与非遗保护的主体,实际上也是探索建立非遗保护这项公共文化事业的分工合作的身份框架。  相似文献   
107.
针对博物馆空间相对封闭、人流聚集、人与文物共存等特点,消毒剂的使用既要关注人(工作人员和观众)也要顾及物(文物或艺术品)。对人及其相关,《消毒剂使用指南》就适用范围、注意事项,已有充分说明。本研究只针对文物:立足文物科技保护角度的文物材质分类法;根据有效成分分类的消毒剂种类及其有损文物的显著化学特性;消毒剂对文物损害的机理及其后果三个方面与同行交流。在疫情防控的特殊阶段,为了保护文物安全,博物馆同行必须对各类消毒剂特性有全面了解,合理规范使用消毒剂,防止不当使用对文物造成损害,这也是文物预防性保护工作的重要方面。  相似文献   
108.
This paper sheds light on the role of evolutionary ideas in the making of Turkish nationalism during the Kemalist era (1923–1938). By so doing, it aims to challenge some of the dominant historiographical viewpoints as to the nature of Turkish nationalism. One is related to the Kemalist elites' predisposition towards the so‐called “scientism” seen as one of the bases for nationalism. We intend to turn upside–down the relation between the Kemalists' use of science and Turkish nationalism. Second, we problematize the “culturalist” origins of Turkish nationalism arguing that the seemingly “culturalist” reflections of the time were, indeed, materialist formulations based on the science of the times. We discuss in this respect the Kemalist elites' use of evolutionary ideas. By synthesizing the ways in which these elites employed evolutionary ideas in the fields of history, language, geography, anthropology, biology, eugenics, and pedagogy, we aim to understand the specific nature of Turkish nationalism before 1945. This secular nationalism conceived culture as having materialist bases and differed fundamentally from the culturalist varieties of Turkish nationalism coloured by Islam in the post‐1945 era. Furthermore, the paper empirically enriches the complex and entangled story of evolutionary ideas in the early Turkish Republic.  相似文献   
109.
This article explores the nexus between nationalism/regionalism and higher education policy at the subnational scale. Relying on a Critical Discourse Analysis, the study investigates how notions of national/regional identity are discursively embedded in the higher education policy discussions of Quebec and Wallonia. A comparative approach based on the distinct logics of subnational politics in both cases is used. Whereas Quebec is considered a quintessential example of ‘subnationalism’, the Walloon case is defined as a political regionalist movement. The findings reveal the permeation of substate identity interests in both Quebec and Wallonia's higher education policy discussions, underscoring parallels between them despite their diverging characters. At the same time, the discourse analysis sheds light on important distinctions in the manner in which this identity discourse is articulated. By juxtaposing identity politics in ‘nationalist’ and ‘regionalist’ movements, the study aims to bridge their conceptualisation and critically reflect on the categorisation of subnational movements.  相似文献   
110.
ABSTRACT

In this paper, we explore the policies related to support structures surrounding national game industries, with focus on the three Nordic countries Finland, Norway and Sweden, and investigate what kind of context the Nordic welfare state model has provided for game development. The three cases illustrate how Nordic welfare state measures have interacted with the games industry over time. While the political ideals have been fairly similar, our study demonstrates how the objectives and practical means of state engagement have differed significantly. We argue that although the three countries all have support schemes of which game companies can take advantage, there are significant differences in the degree to which each individual country has organized government interventions and support. While the Finnish state has treated game development as an endeavour in business development, the regional Nordic game program and the Norwegian state has developed a cultural policy that primarily aims to protect the cultural heritage. The Swedish state has not established a tailormade policy directed towards game development but has a broad spectrum of general policies for supporting research and business development. We suggest that future research should investigate how the public funding is structured and how discourses are formulated around appeals for more public funding for the games industry.  相似文献   
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