从官办到民营——日本明治政府殖产兴业方针的演变

本着民富国强的原则,明治政府从早期的官办为主,迅速转变到以发展民营经济为主体的阶段,为此他们采取了官办示范、官督民办、官助民办等多种形式并举的政策,多方扶植诱导。在民营经济成长壮大之后,他们又果断地低价出售国企,结果在很短的时间内,缔造了明治维新的奇迹。     

姑蔑史证

姑蔑原本是生活在今山东半岛上古老的东夷族一支。商甲骨有“蔑”字,西周献未见姑蔑族,直到春秋隐公元年(722年)始见“盟于蔑”,对其蔑地,诸家考释皆已落实。春秋时期,姑蔑一直处于鲁之附庸地位,直到春秋末年,在吴越争霸战争中,姑蔑举族迁到越地(今浙江龙游县),与越族交融,最后一起融入华夏明中。清人误认为鲁地和越地出现的姑蔑族“不得混合为一”,这是不对的。     

《尹湾汉墓简牍》中有关郡县侯国吏制的几个问题

《尹湾汉墓简牍》面世后,许多学者就西汉地方吏制问题发表了不少有益的见解,但对侯国吏员的设置论及者甚少。探讨侯国的不同类属,在此基础上可以发现,不同侯国的吏员设置和隶属关系是不同的。东海郡所辖侯国多属宣、成二帝时所封之王子侯国。王子侯国的吏员大致可分为两类,一为行政系统,一为家务系统。侯国的吏员同时接受朝廷和郡府的双重管辖。     

新时期的美日关系:回顾与展望

9·11以后,美日关系和美欧关系的发展呈现出截然不同的两种态势:美欧之间争吵不休,美日之间紧密的合作;美欧分歧使同盟关系面临“生存危机”,而美日立场的一致使同盟步入了“最好的时期”。如何看待这样的变化呢?本文通过对美日关系的历史考察和与美欧关系的比较,揭示出了日本政策与对策的某种模式化的行为方式和价值取向,以此为基础对未来的美日同盟关系进行了分析和展望。     

论孙中山的民族国家构想

孙中山的民族国家构想是其民族主义臻于完善的标志。这一构想经历了三个阶段,第一次世界大战结束后定格成型。其内涵不同于早期民族国家,对外方面要求实现民族和国家的独立,其实际涵义是解除列强的压迫,废除不平等条约;对内方面要求国家统一和民族统一,通过具有民族融合性质的“同化”,将各民族合成一大中华民族。这一构想虽属于资产阶级民族主义范畴,但却是一种变异的形态,从理论构成、实践途径、发展前景来看,在一定程度上以无产阶级的思想理论和方式,改造、充实这个资产阶级的课题,具有鲜明的时代特征。     

Caring for Country: History and Alchemy in the Making and Management of Indigenous Australian Land

This paper traces the history of ‘caring for country’ tropes in writing about indigenous Australian land and land management. While ‘caring for country’ initially referred to dynamic land use and ownership practices, it progressively became a less historical, more primordial, conception of indigenous land ownership, use, and management. In reviewing constructions of ‘land’ in scholarly literatures and policy debates, I seek to explain how they interact with local indigenous practices and idioms. Drawing on examples from the cultural and linguistic fields of A?angu, speakers of Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara, I examine a variety of concurrent uses of ‘country’, ‘caring’, or ‘nurturance’ and ‘caring for country’. A cross‐linguistic perspective on these objectifications – in English, Aboriginal English, and central Australian indigenous languages – shows how they may attend selectively to the historical specificity of indigenous experience. But this, I argue, may be the key to their efficacy in intercultural projects. Coded messages in bilingual documents reflect a kind of agency whereby A?angu choose to leave equivocal histories unstated and thereby reconstitute government projects in terms that work for them. The referential flexibility around idioms of land and nurturance is a kind of alchemy in language and social life that is the condition of the success of actual land management activities. Terms including ‘country’ and ‘caring for country’ elide the socio‐political dynamics that otherwise complicate actual rights and uses of land. That is why they can form the social basis of common activities, the production of ‘congeniality’ both within A?angu social life and at the interface with outsiders, in land management and other fields.     

试析近代法国重大的错误决策

近代法国历史上曾经出现许多重大的治国决策的失误,归纳起来,这些决策失误至少存在忽略社会发展主要任务、混淆敌我矛盾和错误判断局势三种类型。近代法国掌权者们的重大错误决策不是偶然现象,它具有深刻的原因。近代法国历史上重大的错误决策向人们提供了明确的教训:只有抓住要害,把握转折关头,才能正确决策。     

论安倍晋三的"美丽国家"构想

“美丽国家”是安倍晋三所追求的理想的国家建设目标。其主要目的在于重新认定日本的国际地位。其采取的手段是改革教育基本法和修改宪法。从安倍内阁的教育理念与国体思想来看,安倍构想的“美丽国家”具有复古的味道。     

论"研究日本"

"研究日本"包括两层含义:其一是研究内容,其二是研究方法。"研究日本人的生活方法"是研究日本的主要内容;采用学科交叉并客观地再现日本人的赓续活动是研究日本的主要方法。     

The Sensitivity of Country Ranks to Index Construction and Aggregation Choice: The Case of Immigration Policy

How sensitive are country ranks to the aggregation function used in index construction? This paper tests whether different aggregation functions come to different results in regard to the ranking of countries. Indices within the field of immigration and integration policy are analyzed, yet, the results pertain to index building across the social sciences. The paper discusses three aggregation methods: the arithmetic mean, the geometric mean, and a noncompensatory/non‐linear aggregation function based on the Condorcet method. In the empirical part, these three aggregation functions are applied to the family indicators for the year 2010 of the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) dataset, a new dataset which measures immigration policies’ restrictiveness, as well as to the eight policy strands of the Migrant Integration Policy Index for the year 2014. Results show that the methods react differently to extreme values and thus result in different rank orders in the middle range. In the politicized field of immigration and integration policies, country ranks play a crucial role and this is shown to have profound real‐world implications. The paper thus urges researchers to be reflective of the assumptions of different aggregation functions, as these lead to different results.