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11.
    
For Ulrich Beck, the Enlightenment project aimed to subordinate religious truth to the authority of reason in questions of the true and the good, and thus to replace religious conflict with peace. Although the ‘First Modernity’ delivered risks like climate change rather than progress like peace, Beck discerns signs of hope for the Enlightenment project in the processes of individualisation and cosmopolitanisation. I argue, first, that Beck exaggerates his claims about the relative influence of tradition on religion and reason; second, that his cosmopolitanisation thesis fails to identify triggers for a paradigm conversion; third, that the thesis relies upon essentialist commitments of the kind he condemns; and finally, that only the classicist view of essentialism is vulnerable to his attack.

在乌尔里希·贝克看来,启蒙的目的在于,在真善的问题上,让宗教真理服从于理性权威,用和平代替宗教冲突。尽管“最初的现代性”引发了气候变化之类的风险而不是和平之类的进步,贝克却在个人化与都市化过程中看到启蒙的苗头。笔者认为,1)贝克关于传统对宗教和理性的相对影响有些夸张;2)他的都市化理论无法找到范式转变的诱因;3)他的理论依赖于他所反对的原教旨态度;4)只有古典的原教旨观点才在他那里不堪一击。  相似文献   

12.
    
The image of Zwarte Piet, as part of Dutch Sinterklaas celebrations has caused heated debate in the past decade, which has polarized tensions between the ‘Dutch’ and ‘strangers’. This article argues that the debate cannot be resolved within a framework of a methodologically nationalist cultural policy. Building on Kwame Anthony Appiah’s book Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers, I argue that a cosmopolitan framework for belonging is not only a normative but also a policy imperative. Cultural policy should recognize our shared global belonging, rather than building a national polis predicated on difference that sets us apart. However, a methodologically cosmopolitan cultural policy cannot be a blanket approach to replace or undermine national frameworks. It should embed the nation in a cosmopolitan public policy to accommodate cultural and religious diversity under globalization that has irrevocably eroded the illusion of a national unity.  相似文献   
13.
    
This paper is based on a close reading of Greek and Rodesli (Rhodian Jewish) narratives focusing on the time when Rhodes was under Italian (1912–1943) and then German (1943–1945) rule, the last period when religiously diverse communities coexisted in the island. While Greek historiography seeks to vindicate the island’s final integration into the Greek national space, Rodesli memory is meant to preserve the heritage of a community destroyed by the Nazis. Notably, these corpuses make no references to one another. This phenomenon of soliloquy, the article argues, is illustrative of a competitive memory characteristic of recollections of the past in the eastern Mediterranean and challenges nostalgic invocations of a pre-national, “cosmopolitan” Mediterranean. Broadening the discussion to other post-Ottoman settings, the article draws attention to property redistribution in the aftermath of ethnic cleansing as a major factor in the separation of memory along communal lines. Noting the omnipresence of the figure of the “ghost” in the literature on the region, the paper finally explores the heuristic potential of hauntology to conceive histories of the region that would be inclusive and yet attentive to the differences in the nature, purpose and reciprocal indifference of the sources and of the asymmetrical relations of power in which they were produced.  相似文献   
14.
This article reviews the most recent body of literature in the English language that revisits cultural developments of eighteenth-century Italy in light of the internationalism of the peninsula in that period. In particular, it seeks to show how a consideration of the rhetorical strategy of the Grand Tour has both generated a discrete field of study as well as informed the work of a broad range of cultural historians seeking to identify and account for those innovations unique to Italy's eighteenth century.  相似文献   
15.
ABSTRACT. The debate between contemporary cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism is hardly new. Nevertheless, much of it is based on the erroneous assumption that cosmopolitanism should be seen as an outgrowth of liberalism, and that both should be considered as the complete conceptual opposites of nationalism. In this article I focus on two of the post‐war Jewish anglophile intellectuals who took part in this debate during the Cold War years: the Oxonian liberal philosopher Sir Isaiah Berlin (1909–97) and the Israeli historian Jacob L. Talmon (1916–80). I use their examples to argue that the dividing line between cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism should not be regarded as signifying the distinction between liberals and anti‐liberals; in fact, this debate also took place within the camp of the liberal thinkers themselves. I divide my discussion into three parts. Firstly, I examine Berlin's and Talmon's positions within the post‐war anti‐totalitarian discourse, which came to be known as ‘liberalism of fear’. Secondly, I show how a sense of Jewish identity, combined with deep Zionist convictions, induced both thinkers to divorce anti‐nationalist cosmopolitanism – which they regarded as a hollow, illusionary ideal associated with impossible assimilationist yearnings – from the liberal idea. I conclude by suggesting that, although neither man had ever developed a systematic theoretical framework to deal with the complex interactions between ethno‐nationalism, liberal individualism and multiculturalism, Berlin's vision of pluralism provides the foundations for building such a theory, in which liberalism and nationalism become complementary rather than conflicting notions.  相似文献   
16.
ABSTRACT. In recent years, strong claims have been made for the breakdown of national boundaries and the reformation of national identities in an increasingly interconnected global world – driven in large part by the possibilities and limitations that emerge from an increasingly global media world. It has been argued that new postnational, cosmopolitan subjectivities accompany, enable and feed off globally oriented forms of cultural consumption. This article examines these claims in the light of unusually comprehensive data on the tastes of the white British population collected in a large national sample survey, in‐depth interviews and focus groups. By identifying and analysing the geographical spread of the cultural referents of the tastes of the white British we make an empirical assessment of the claims for cosmopolitan identities. We argue that if white British identities are being reformed by processes of globalisation it is, paradoxically, in an increasingly Anglophone direction.  相似文献   
17.
    
Beginning with the examples of the city-ports of Trieste, Thessaloniki and Smyrna, all of them belonging – in the time-span examined – to multinational empires, the author sets out to find their shared urban and social features in the geopolitical, economic and demographic framework. She then suggests a typology of the main city-ports in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean on the basis of their urban and social aspects. Some of the main factors under research are their geopolitical position and the role of immigration resulting from their economic development.  相似文献   
18.
    
It has been estimated that about 700,000 Poles moved to the UK after Poland joined the European Union in 2004, with London receiving a large portion of Polish immigrants. In agreement with the British perception of migrants from Eastern Europe, the majority of Polish immigrants can be generally classified as labor migrants with close cultural and national ties to Poland. However, Polish migration to the UK also includes a growing group of professionals and social and financial elites who are often overlooked by academic research. This paper analyzes the migrant experiences of Polish professionals and elites in London, and the relationships between their transnational identities and immigrant spaces such as ethnic enclaves, private and social spaces. Furthermore, this paper uses Polish elites in London as a foundation to explore concepts of cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, suggesting that global elites can maintain strong national affiliations, and their global ambitions can be fueled by local contexts and standards.  相似文献   
19.
    
Summary

This article reconstructs a significant historical alternative to the theories of ‘cosmopolitan’ or ‘liberal’ patriotism often associated with the Scottish Enlightenment. Instead of focusing on the work of Andrew Fletcher, Francis Hutcheson, David Hume or Adam Smith, this study concentrates on the theories of sociability, patriotism and international rivalry elaborated by Adam Ferguson (1723–1816) and Henry Home, Lord Kames (1696–1782). Centrally, the article reconstructs both thinkers' shared perspective on what I have called ‘unsociable’ or ‘agonistic’ patriotism, an eighteenth-century idiom which saw international rivalship, antagonism, and even war as crucial in generating political cohesion and sustaining moral virtue. Placing their thinking in the context of wider eighteenth-century debates about sociability and state formation, the article's broader purpose is to highlight the centrality of controversies about human sociability to eighteenth-century debates about the nature of international relations.  相似文献   
20.
The complex mappings of inflows and outflows of people, capital, images and ideas in global city spaces create particular challenges for nation-states that are deeply embedded in the international circuit of capital. Through an empirical study of Singapore, an aspiring global city-state, I offer an analysis of how the state-sponsored cosmopolitan project is contested by Singapore citizens. I also present evidence to highlight the contradictions of belonging and citizenship in a transnational world, with particular reference to the postcolonial racial and nationality dynamics that inflect these discourses.

Négocier l'appartenance et les perceptions de la citoyenneté dans un monde transnational: Singapour comme ville cosmopolite?

Les mappages complexes des mouvements des personnes, du capital, des images et des idées à travers les espaces urbains mondiaux posent un défi particulier aux états-nations qui sont très fortement intégrés dans le circuit international du capital. Singapour, ville-état mondiale en croissance, est le sujet d'une étude empirique dans laquelle je présente une analyse du projet cosmopolite soutenu par l'état et comment ce projet est contesté par les citoyens de Singapour. Je présente également des éléments de preuve pour faire ressortir les contradictions entre l'appartenance et la citoyenneté dans un monde transnational, en précisant entre autres les dynamiques qui touchent aux identités raciales et nationales postcoloniales qui pèsent sur ces discours.

Mots-clefs: appartenance, citoyenneté, mobilité transnationale, cosmopolitanisme, Singapour.

La negociación de pertenencia e ideas de ciudadanía en un mundo transnacional: Singapur, ¿un cosmópolis?

Los complejos mapeos de la entrada y salida de personas, capital, imágenes e ideas en los espacios de ciudades globales crean desafíos particulares para naciones-Estados, los cuales están estrechamente vinculados al circuito internacional de capital. Por un estudio empírico de Singapur, que aspira a ser reconocido como ciudad-estado global, ofrezco un análisis de cómo los ciudadanos de Singapur contestan este proyecto cosmopólito patrocinado por el Estado. También presento pruebas para destacar las contradicciones inherentes en las nociones de pertenencia y ciudadanía en un mundo transnacional, con referencia particular a la dinámica racial y de la dinámica de nacionalidad poscolonial que salpican estos discursos.

Palabras claves: pertenencia, ciudadanía, movilidad transnacional, cosmopolitanismo, Singapur.  相似文献   
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