"层累地造成的中国古史"--一个带有普遍意义的知识论命题

顾颉刚“层累地造成的中国古史”一说的内涵不仅仅局限于史料学的层面,它的现代性似乎主要体现在顾颉刚对历史知识一般性质、尤其是其不确定性的看法上或对历史知识的谦卑的态度上。搁置历史本体、着重于古史知识形成过程的“层累构成说”标明了顾颉刚经验主义的知识立场。而在普遍的知识论意义上,从怀疑古史记录到怀疑全部历史记录,顾颉刚事实上已经触及了历史知识的一般性质与“神话”的性质的关系问题。     

Policy Blending,Fuzzy Chronology,and Local Understandings of National Initiatives in Early 1950s China

This article proposes the concept of policy blending to improve our understanding of the densely interactive quality of political initiatives in early 1950s China. Using three cases studies, I argue that policy blending, defined as the process by which previous political experiences shaped the implementation and interpretation of those subsequent to them （sometimes in ways contrary to the government＇s intentions）, occurred frequently during this period, to the extent that people＇s understanding of the first years of Chinese Communist Party rule cannot be separated from this phenomenon. Using examples from marriage registration, the Marriage Law and the national discussion of the 1954 draft Constitution, I advance the historiographical argument that the early 1950s should not be demarcated by, or taught mainly with reference to, ＂temporally encapsulated＂ policies with clear beginnings and ends （i.e., policy ＂a＂ occurred in year ＂b,＂ followed by policy ＂c＂ in year ＂d＂）. Rather, policies seeped into each other, producing a blurry--but sometimes accurate--＂impression＂ of state power. I further suggest that the concept of policy blending can be helpful in understanding subsequent political initiatives as well.     

‘Hereditary Guardians of the Nation’: The House of Lords and the East India Company in the Age of the American Revolution

The reform of the East India Company following its acquisition of vast territories in Bengal in the mid 1760s raised hopes that it could provide Britain with a fund to alleviate the burdens of the national debt in the wake of the failure of American taxation. Concomitantly, it elicited genuine fears that the acquisition of such revenues and patronage by the state would radically augment the already overgrown ‘influence of the crown’. Studies of the parliamentary debates surrounding East India reform have consistently emphasized the house of commons as the principal scene of action. Inspired by the work of Clyve Jones in reasserting the centrality of the house of lords as a ‘pillar’ of the 18th-century constitution, this essay seeks to redress the balance, arguing that the Lords was a key arena through which co-ordinated parliamentary and extra-parliamentary activities and press campaigns altered the trajectory of the regulation and reform of the East India Company. Through the use of its distinct privileges, such as the right of opposition lords to protest any vote of the House and the right of peers to an audience with the monarch, as well as its determination to uphold its status as a mediator between the powers of the crown and the Commons, the upper chamber played a crucial role in shaping debates in the 1770s and 1780s over the future of the East India Company and its place in a burgeoning British Empire.     

民国前期的立宪主义及其实践

北洋集团掌握中央政权的民国前期,政局比较混乱,社会思想也比较复杂,但立宪主义思潮意外呈现出活跃态势,开国会、制宪法成为一些当权者以及广大宪政主义者的重要诉求,在此背景下开展的一系列制宪活动,也取得了值得称道的宪法性成果和制度性成果。时人对宪政的内在价值了解有限,当权者的政治表现也不完美,但这不能抵消立宪的积极意义。民国前期的立宪主义及其实践,构成了近代中国政治进程的重要一环,书写了中国宪政运动史的重要一页。     

Interpreting foreign institutions. How the Italian academic culture dealt with the French Fifth Republic, 1958–1998

The interpretation by Italian scholars of the institutions of the French Fifth Republic was directly linked not only to the new French constitution and to the evolving practice of power in France, but also to the scholars' own judgement on the Italian constitution and on their changing perception of the role of the political parties within Italian republican institutions. Three main phases in the development of the interpretation of the Fifth Republic by Italian jurists and political scientists can be identified. During the first – extending from 1958 to the late 1970s – it was strongly criticized by most as anti-democratic. The second phase – from the late 1970s to the early 1990s – was marked by the end of anti-democratic suspicions; but only during the 1990s – the third phase – were the Fifth Republic's institutions proposed by some scholars as a model to be imported in to Italy.     

当代中国政治文化构建的一种历史审视

中国传统政治文化强调集权主义、注重伦理关系、强调道德至上 ,其最大优点就是注重人生的理想和精神因素的作用 ,而最大的弊端是重人治、轻法治 ,“文化大革命”将中国政治文化的特点充分展现出来 ,特别是将传统政治文化的缺陷充分显露出来。这说明传统政治文化对我们存在着深远的影响 ,因此我们要从自己历史上的政治文化中 ,找到稳定的、持久的、有积极意义的因素 ,从传统中构建“现代政治文化主体意识” ,即在构建当代中国政治文化时 ,要在重视精神理想的中国政治文化中 ,注入法治文化的基本要素 ,形成更科学的政治文化。     

遗产资源价值评估的社会文化视角

自然遗产资源包含生态、经济和社会文化价值。文化遗产资源具有多功能、多属性和多价值特征。目前人们对遗产资源的生态、经济价值研究较多,而对其社会文化价值关注较少。遗产资源价值评估的社会文化视角,旨在将目前广泛流行的定量化评价体系引向一个由公众争论、博弈,定量、定性评价相组合的研究领域,这将会丰富我们对遗产资源重要性的理解。本文从社会文化角度,分析遗产资源的价值构成及其评估问题,并对遗产资源的功能和使命进行了分析。     

重评1946年《中华民国宪法》

1946年《中华民国宪法》是在政治协商会议已经召开、并通过了宪草修改十二条原则的背景下由非国民党人士起草的,因此,与此前国民党一党制定的“五五宪草”比较,存在着一些重大区别。这些重大区别表明：与“五五宪草”不同,1946年《中华民国宪法》多多少少带有一些民主性质或色彩。这些民主性质和色彩是中共、民盟以及全国人民和国民党斗争的结果。     

Designing Constitutions in Britain’s Mid-Nineteenth Century Empire – Indigenous Territorial Government in New Zealand and Retrieving Constitutional Histories

Focusing on the striking instance of colonial New Zealand, this article examines constitutional design for colonies of European settlement, arguing about such design in two key respects. First, this article examines the proposals of so-called ‘colonial reformers’ endeavouring to influence constitutional framing, including how their notions on ‘local self-government’ or ‘municipal government’ were reflected or not, while also illuminating their concepts of how to accommodate indigenous territorial governance and indirect administration of indigenous territories in the late 1840s and early 1850s. Second, recovering traces of these disputes and ways of thought from the archives, and how they were operationalised in grounded constitutional drafting or design, rather than resorting to analysing abstract canonical, high-level texts, such as those of Henry Maine and John Stuart Mill, is ultimately more rewarding for evaluating constitutional emergence and design. It reveals tensions within ‘colonial liberalism’, as characterised by Edward Gibbon Wakefield. How putative settler interests informed these metropolitan-Westminster constitutional enactments or not, assessed through cabinet-level discussions, in Colonial Office deliberations on settler agitation, illustrates missteps and failures as well as the particular ways in which diverse features of imperial constitutional design emerged. Examining these points is timely given Linda Colley’s focus on a ‘contagion of constitutions’ in the late eighteenth and early to mid-nineteenth centuries.     

政治民主是东西方学者的共同话题--南京"各国议会制度研究国际学术讨论会"综述

“各国议会制度研究国际学术讨论会”有三个论题。第一个论题为当代西方国家的议会民主制．来自西方的学和中国学提交了一批报告,论及19世纪以来欧洲国家议会制度的发展以及当代西方议会民主制的某些局限性,第二个论题是当代中国的乡村村民自治改革．中国学提交了一批论,讨论了中国宪法中关于村民自治的条款以及村民自治个案研究的结果,第三个论题是西方民主制的起源问题。中国学提交了一批报告,涉及西方城市自治传统、中世纪议会制对近代民主制的作用等。与会中外代表一致认为,民主是中西方学共同努力的目标和中西方学、政治家共同关心的课题。