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31.
MELANIE UNWIN 《Parliamentary History》2008,27(3):436-443
The house of commons has recently acquired the medal awarded to Emmeline Pankhurst (1858–1928), founder of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU). This acquisition provides a timely reminder in 2008 that it is only 90 and 80 years respectively since women in Britain were granted the vote as well as marking the centenary of the ‘rush’ on the house of commons for which the medal was awarded. The ‘rush’ was just one of many occasions when members of the WSPU brought their campaign and protests to the Palace of Westminster. The palace was a site, both physically and ideologically, of suffragette protest, evidence of which remains on the building itself and, increasingly, as the acquisition of the medal suggests, in gestures of marking and remembrance of women's fight for the vote by parliament. 相似文献
32.
Andrew Newman 《对极》2013,45(4):947-964
This article draws from ethnographic research on a recently built park in one of Paris' predominately West African and Maghrebi districts. It demonstrates how urban design is used to “build‐in” neoliberal subjectivities to the city. This design approach appropriates a tradition of street democracy held by neighborhood associations and redirects their disproportionately middle class, French membership into managerial roles traditionally held by municipal agencies. This neoliberal political subjectivity, which I term vigilant citizenship, makes monitoring and controlling the social composition of the urban commons a form of civic engagement for middle class urbanites. In Paris, this vigilance is fueled by anxieties over the presence of West African and Maghrebi youth in public spaces. Activists do not passively adopt this neoliberal role; they strike a delicate balance as gatekeepers, weighing inclusion against an expectation to maintain a “successful” public space conforming to a republican model of citizenship. 相似文献
33.
Jesse Goldstein 《对极》2013,45(2):357-375
Abstract: This essay provides an analysis of the “dirty” history and geography of enclosure, as both an instance of primitive accumulation and a production of nature. Specifically, I reconsider the English enclosures as a struggle over the land‐use designation of “waste”. Whereas both open fields and common waste lands were an essential and valuable part of the common right economy, advocates of enclosure came to see these same lands as wasted commons; lands that were potentially, but not yet, improved. This dialectic of waste and potential permeates the fabric of the nature produced through enclosure, which I name terra economica. Typically, this terrain has been understood as a passive repository of free resources, extending across absolute space. While such accounts consider the making of nature into a universal means of production, it is equally important to consider the ways in which nature is produced as a universal condition of production. 相似文献
34.
Verónica Perera 《对极》2015,47(1):197-215
While the United Nations' sanctioning of the human right to water was widely celebrated, many debate the adequacy and political potency of the rights discourse to frame water justice. Drawing on multi‐sited, ethnographic‐based fieldwork in Colombia in 2010 and 2011, and prioritizing activists' reflexivity, the paper explores how water activists in the 2007–2011 referendum campaign engaged the universal human right while making user‐run community aqueducts more visible as place‐based, not‐for‐profit, culturally attuned, and valid alternatives to the corporate model of water supply. This case study suggests that the human right to water cannot be separated from water commons, and that communal users and activists engage the universal under their own terms. It also suggests we think of these water models as “economic communities” in Gibson‐Graham's sense: ethical spaces to make explicit our social relations with water, and to cultivate selves and practices that enact alternative socio‐natural relations through water's circulations. 相似文献
35.
In Dublin there are many needs and desires which are not met, or excluded, by the pattern of high rent, the commodification of social/cultural life, and the regulation of public space. Against this dynamic, Dublin has seen a number of experiments in urban commoning: people collectively finding ways of opening up space in order to do what they want. This might be as simple as wanting a space to work, to make food or to show films. Rather than trying to change this situation by appealing to existing institutions, these new urban commons are characterized by particular groups of people devising practical ways of escaping the forms of “enclosure” which limit what can happen in the city. This article takes a “militant research” approach to explore the potentials and limitations of these experiments in urban production and organization. 相似文献
36.
Alvaro Sevilla-Buitrago 《Social & Cultural Geography》2014,15(2):151-171
The industrialization of New York and its rise to economic dominance brought about a major restructuring of street life and unleashed an array of contradictory everyday urban cultures. In a still under-regulated environment, the commoning of public space became a key sociospatial capital that helped the working classes resolve their reproduction in a way the elite found disturbing and far removed from the civic order they were trying to instil. This article draws on recent theorizations of the commons/enclosure dialectic to develop a comparative analysis of the cultures of public space use vis-à-vis the practices prescribed by Central Park in its attempt to reform everyday spatialities. The park is understood here as an early episode in the project of imposing new social relations through the enclosure of public conduct—a first effort to tame the urban commons and prevent the subaltern appropriation of public space. Following a preliminary discussion of the economic and social determinants and configuration of the material cultures of public space use in Manhattan, the article studies the park's strategies as a special type of enclosure, consisting not of the usurping of common land for private profit but of the mobilization of public space to shift behaviors from one regime of publicity to another. 相似文献
37.
Efrat Eizenberg 《对极》2012,44(3):764-782
Abstract: This paper analyzes an urban space that functions, it is argued, as the commons in the neoliberal city. The space of community gardens in New York City is “unpacked” according to three Lefebvrian moments of space: the material space, representations of space, and the lived space. Engaging alternative conceptualizations of social relations in the urban space, it complicates and explicates the notion of the commons and its actually existing manifestations. 相似文献
38.
Maureen G. Reed 《The Canadian geographer》1997,41(4):398-414
Both scholars and practitioners of environmental and land use planning in Western contexts have been slow to consider the links between planning and gender as they apply to land use reallocations in regions located beyond the city. The purpose of this paper is to spark discussion and inform future research efforts about the gendered implications of land use change. Drawing on research from environmental planning, gender/development planning, and rural resource communities, a conceptualization of feminist environmentalism is developed to interpret how environmental and land use planning represents women's lives and gives meaning to women's perspectives on economic transition in rural resource communities in Canada. Two planning documents are analyzed. First, a regional land use plan and transition strategy proposed by the Commission on Resources and Environment (core) for Vancouver Island in 1994 is examined. It is revealed that this plan contained a narrow interpretation of social sustainability, which resulted in the omission and /or marginalization of important elements of women's lives. Second, a subsequent post-hoc assessment of the impact of the Vancouver Island plan was reviewed. This report gave voice to women's material realities; however, a nuanced interpretation of the variation in the experiences of women remained elusive. Drawing on insights from both theory and practice, challenges for future research are presented. Les universitaires et les praticiens de I'aménagement du territoire et de I'environnement en contextes occiden-taux ont résistéà prendre en considération les liens entre la planification du territoire et le genre sexuel tels qu'ils s'appliquent aux re-allocations de l'utilisation du territoire, particulièrement en régions contiguës aux villes. Le but de cet article et de susciter la discussion et d'informer sur la direction des recherches en considération des implications du genre sexuel et des femmes par rapport a l'utilisation du territoire. À partir de recherches et de la littérature en planification environnementale, en déve-loppement, en féminisme et en ressources des commu-nautés rurales, une conceptualisation de I'environ-nementalisme sensible au genre sexuel est élaborée pour interpréter premièrement, les représentations de la vie des femmes en aménagement du territoire et de I'environnement. Deuxièmement, cet article aborde le sens que cet environnementalisme féministe offre aux perspectives des femmes en lumière des transitions économi-ques des communautés rurales. Deux documents tirés de la littérature en aménagement sont analysés. Premièrement, nous analysons un plan d'aménagement et de stratégic de transition proposé par la Commission sur les Ressources et I'Environnement (core: Commission on Resources and Environment) pour I'l?le de Vancouver, publié en 1994. Une lecture de ce document révèle que l'interprétation limitée de la durabilité sociale a pour résultat l'omission où la marginalisation d'éléments im-portants de la vie des femmes. Deuxièmement, nous analysons un rapport d'impacts du plan pour I'l?le de Vancouver. II appert que malgré une sensibilité aux réaltiés matérielles de la vie des femmes, l'interprétation des variations des expériences des femmes reste difficile. À partir d'aperçus et d'élements théoriques et pratiques, I'article termine par une discussion des défis pour les recherches á venir. 相似文献
39.
JOSEPH S. MEISEL 《Parliamentary History》2009,28(2):228-245
Formal prohibitions on ‘personalities’ notwithstanding, a constant of parliamentary life is that members regularly insult one another. Within the conventions of 19th‐century public decorum, humour served as an effective means for some politicians to deliver personal insults to their opponents. This article examines the nature of the personal attacks made by Disraeli and Palmerston on each other between 1837 and 1865, and describes how their styles of humorous insult were different but equally effective. Analysis of their political contest sheds new light on the careers of the two men, while also providing the basis for broader considerations about the changing nature and functions of humour in political discourse from the 18th to the 20th centuries. 相似文献
40.
Aglaia Foteinou;J.P.D. Cooper;Damian Murphy; 《Parliamentary History》2024,43(3):316-337
How easy was it to hear, and be heard, in the historic house of commons? Located in the former St Stephen's Chapel in the Palace of Westminster, the pre-1834 Commons had not been designed as a place of debate, though its refurbishment by Christopher Wren may have taken acoustics into account. This article focuses on the chamber as re-ordered by James Wyatt in 1800–1 to accommodate 100 members from Ireland following the Acts of Union. Employing acoustic simulation software and an interdisciplinary methodology, we explore the soundscape of the Commons as experienced both on the floor of the house and in the ventilator space where women gathered to listen to the debates below. Modelling for different scenarios, including speeches delivered from the front and back benches and the Speaker's chair, we present comparative data for their audibility in a fully- or half-occupied house. Evidence for contemporary understanding of the acoustics of the chamber, for instance around the ‘elasticity of the atmospheric air’, is also reviewed in light of modern science. Results are interpreted for their impact on the political culture of the pre-1834 house of commons including choice of seating, oratorical strategies, and the experience of reporters in the gallery. 相似文献