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51.
《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(1):4-12
This study examines the development of linguistic consciousness in thirteenth-century Hispano-Romance by analyzing the relationship between the terms latín and romance in works sponsored by Alfonso X. In the article, the author demonstrates that numerous lexical items (e.g., injuria, negligencia, suspensión, inquisición) were already a part of Romance vocabulary despite their labeling as latín in the Alfonsine texts ("iniuria en latin tanto quiere dezir en romançe commo desonrra que es fecha o dicha aotro a tuerto o a despreçiamiento del," Siete Partidas). Framed within the (later stages of the) "complex monolingualism" approach proposed by Roger Wright, the author also argues that, as Hispano-Romance speakers in Castile expanded their cultural knowledge, the term latín became associated with the areas from which vocabulary was taken to supply new scientific or pseudo-scientific expressions. The designation latín, in the contexts under scrutiny, was perceived not as a language but as a lexical register marker in the higher sociolects of the vernacular.  相似文献   
52.
Conflicts over oysters intensified along the US mid-Atlantic coast as traditional management of these valuable resources broke down in the late nineteenth century. In response, states founded management agencies, and mapping oysters was one of their first activities. Virginia and Maryland's first cartographers favored privatizing common property, an alteration that would have displaced thousands of oystermen and benefited wealthier segments of the industry. Cartographers sought to use maps to expand privatization; however, Chesapeake Bay oystermen were numerous enough to wield political influence, and they rejected one of the first major surveys and shaped the production of the other two, using them to protect their common property while making these rights visible to the State. Many conservation practices in the eastern USA grew out of local people's traditions, and this study explores the role of the mapping process amid the broader context of a shift in the scale of management to state agencies.  相似文献   
53.
Summary

This article examines the nature of academic political theory in Britain in the post-war period, examining in particular the degree to which theorists were able to mount normative theoretical arguments. Traditionally, commentators such as Brian Barry and Perry Anderson have argued that political theory in this period was largely dead between 1945 and 1970 due to the impact of positivism, but I argue this is mistaken for two main reasons. First, it fails to distinguish between the different forms that positivism took in the post-war era. Thus although it is true many theorists tended to claim that moral and political values could (or should) not be discussed rationally, their reasons for doing so varied considerably. For while theorists such as A. J. Ayer and T. D. Weldon justified their positions theoretically, with arguments drawn from behaviourist social science or innovations made in linguistic philosophy, others, such as Ralf Dahrendorf and Anthony Crosland, argued that it was the perceived success of post-war welfare states or the alleged failure of political ideologies that made traditional political theory irrelevant. Second, following on from this, I argue that delineating more accurately how positivism actually operated helps to explain how political theorists were able to pursue their discipline normatively—albeit that few reacted to all aspects of positivism. Thus if some (such as Karl Popper) were more concerned to insist that political philosophy had something to say in practice, others (such as Michael Oakeshott), reacted more strongly against the proposition that human behaviour can be understood purely causally. Finally, I examine the impact of ordinary language philosophy on post-war political theory, and argue that rather than simply damaging the cause of normative political theory by encouraging a myopic concentration on the linguistic analysis of particular moral and political concepts, over the longer term its effects were much more positive, since it helped to focus attention on the irreducibly normative dimension of political concepts.  相似文献   
54.
This article ponders the quest for a new Quebec constitution. It critically analyzes a proposed Quebec constitution introduced as a bill in Quebec's National Assembly in 2007 1 1. Québec Official Publisher (2007a Québec Official Publisher. 2007a. National Assembly, First Session, Thirty-Eighth Legislature, Bill 196, Québec Constitution. Québec Official Publisher http://www.assnat.qc.ca/eng/38legislature1/Projets-loi/Publics/07-a196.pdf (Accessed: 20 May 2008).  [Google Scholar]). and probes the meaning and significance of such a provincial constitution. It makes some comparisons of Quebec's current constitution with those of other provinces and concludes by reflecting on the political prospects and legal effects of such a proposed new constitution. The adoption of a new Quebec constitution, along the lines proposed in 2007 and 2008, should not significantly alter Canada's constitutional order under Canadian law or affect Quebec's current constitutional arrangements with Ottawa and the other provinces. Such a new constitution might, however, come to prevail over other Quebec laws. The objectives of the proposed new constitution are to forge and reinforce Quebecers' sense of a common political identity. The project, however, is not currently at the forefront of discussion.  相似文献   
55.
Georges Cabanis (17571808), through his writings on the relation of the physical and moral, or psychological, aspects of man, left a legacy that made the study of mental activity a part of physiology. His views on the importance of phosphorus to the function of the brain thrust that element into a prominent stream of research that involved many investigators in several countries. Although that particular stream eventually dried up, its influence remained: by the beginning of the twentieth century basic medical science had become well set on studies of the mind-body relationship.  相似文献   
56.
Indonesian Language Education in Australia: Politics,Policies and Responses   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper takes an interdisciplinary approach to the history and politics of the development of Indonesian language studies within Australia. It examines the effect on Indonesian language education of government policies such as the National Asian Languages and Studies in Australian Schools (NALSAS) strategy, and responses developed by Indonesian language educators at the tertiary level. It suggests that, in order to achieve a more complete understanding of such issues as changes in the popularity of Indonesian language studies at the tertiary level, or the development of language education per se, it is necessary to broaden the frame of reference to include not only national policies but also politics. The impact of ideological, social, political, national and international frameworks also needs to be considered. Stakeholders may be able to effect improvements if the academic sector and government bodies identify and consciously pursue common goals, notably through a critique of the status of language teachers and continuous, collaborative consultation between the stakeholders on planning and problem solving.  相似文献   
57.
This article argues against the dominant Anglophone and Francophone interpretation of Fichte, which reads him as advancing either a form of ethnic or cultural nationalism. It claims that what is missing from the current reception of Fichte is the essentially philosophical and cosmopolitan character of his nationalism – the fact that the Addresses to the German Nation uses non‐empirical and cosmopolitical concepts to develop and articulate its nationalistic viewpoint. It therefore claims that the notion of a national philosophical idiom that the Addresses present, far from being a screen for its nationalism, is its driving engine. It does this by considering the problems of translating the German locution ist unsers Geschlechts. Consequently, it is claimed that the cosmo‐nationalism of Fichte is not reducible to a set of claims regarding ethnicity or even the empirical world, even if a discourse on the organismic, on what counts as life, irreducibly haunts the Addresses.  相似文献   
58.
The paper considers William Morris's belief that modern language was ‘degraded’, and explores how his late fiction tried to resist this degradation. Morris was influenced by the romantic philology of the mid-Victorian period which depicted languages as living organisms. Philologists such as Max Müller claimed that modern civilization had arrested this growth, mechanizing language into conventional signs; and Morris adapted the idea into a critique of industrial capitalism. He conceptualized modern English as manufactured external forms, sundered from organic history. His late prose fictions trace the ‘natural’ meanings of words which he imagined feudalism and capitalism had suppressed. However, this narrative of organic origins existed in tension with Morris's socialist ideals, which sought an objective language above local or national perspectives. The older Morris was writing at a time when romantic philology was coming under attack from a new generation of scholars. These proto-linguists regarded meaning as conventional and narratives of organic ‘roots’ in the distant past as mere mythology. Morris's struggles to reconcile the contradictions in his philosophy of language reflect wider tensions in romantic philology. His imaginary worlds in which everyone spoke the same relied upon myths of original linguistic unity and stasis which new research and theories were undermining. Ironically, Morris's attempts to re-organicize English inadvertently demonstrated the conventionality and perspectivism of language, relying upon common cultural frames of reference.  相似文献   
59.
学术著作翻译的几个问题——以汉译《草原帝国》为例   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
以汉译《草原帝国》为例 ,学术翻译应注意以下几个问题 :诠释性学术著作的时效性 ;学术著作的思想倾向 ;学术著作翻译应遵循专业的学术规范 ,包括人名、地名和专业术语的翻译 ;学术翻译的语言 ,要在于确切 ,同时也要合乎汉语习惯  相似文献   
60.
语境、政治与历史:义和团运动评价50年   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
百年以来,占支配地位的对义和团的评价意见,主要不是来自学术本身,而是源于对中国现状与未来走向的观察与判断。整个20世纪,人们据以言说义和团的语境发生了多次深刻变迁:从五四时期反传统启蒙语境到2040年代的反帝国主义救亡语境,从50-60年代的反西方冷战语境到80年代的反封建新启蒙语境,再至90年代的反激进新保守主义语境,大体可以看作指导义和团评价的语境变迁史。语境不同,义和团这一历史事件的面貌也在不断变动。21世纪初叶,中国仍将处在义和团暴动所提出的问题的覆盖之下,对义和团的研究与评价,仍将难以完全摆脱以民族主义为主要内容的政治的制约。  相似文献   
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