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121.
全国解放以后,毛泽东坚持以马克思主义为指导,探索具有中国特色的社会主义革命和建设的道路,留下了许多宝贵遗产:建立人民代表大会、共产党领导下的多党合作和政治协商及民族区域自治等根本政治制度;开辟用和平的、渐进的方法实行社会主义工业化和社会主义改造同时并举的社会主义革命道路;提出社会主义不发达与发达的两个阶段论,在规划中国长远发展中提出“两步走”的设想;提出“百花齐放,百花争鸣”、“洋为中用,古为今用”的方针;制定各民族一律平等的民族政策和尊重信教群众的宗教政策;揭示社会主义社会的矛盾规律;制定正确的国际战略和独立自主的和平外交方针;制定正确的军事战略,作出国防现代化和发展“两弹一星”的战略决策;对中国共产党的执政建设进行重要探索,提出了党在取得政权后如何保持先进性、同人民群众血肉联系、防止和平演变的问题;在领导革命与建设的前期实践中形成一系列正确的领导方法和工作方法。  相似文献   
122.
姜守明 《史学月刊》2002,2(6):96-104
在从中世纪封建社会向近代资本主义过渡的历史转折时期,即民族国家形成时期,英国殖民思想经历了一个从盲目到自觉、从感性到理性的发展过程。殖民思想与民族国家思想合流,是英国民族意识觉醒的反映,对英国海外殖民扩张活动产生了积极影响,它们共同推动着海上活动的蓬勃发展。托马斯·莫尔从人文主义道德观出发,提出建立海外殖民地的最初设想。理查德·哈克卢伊特是英国早期最重要的发现史学家,他为英国的北美殖民活动进行辩护。在海外殖民扩张问题上,弗朗西斯·培根竭力赞成英国拓展海外殖民地,建立新英格兰帝国。  相似文献   
123.
戴宇 《史学集刊》2007,56(1):38-43
《日本风景论》是日本近代国粹主义代表人物志贺重昂的代表作,也是日本近代名著之一。在书中,志贺重昂试图通过展示日本特有的地理环境所带来的“洵美”风景来表明日本的景色乃至国民性堪称“卓绝万邦”,并进而表现出了日本民族优越意识、对近邻国家的轻蔑之情,以及殖民扩张意识。  相似文献   
124.
Abstract

Two German maps of southern Africa, one official, the other private, came to the attention of the British government in the 1890s and raised questions of boundary delineation. In both instances, they provoked a response—diplomatic dispute and internal policy decision—but in neither case did the maps do more. They actively initiated contention but were passive devices thereafter.  相似文献   
125.
日俄战争后日本殖民者以“满铁”为主体,在中国东北进行政治、经济、贸易、交通、文化等侵略。同时利用“满铁”以满铁大连图书馆和国立奉天图书馆为集源中心与附属地各图书馆,形成纵横交错的东北文化调查研究资料收集场所。最终以文事的形式来管理达到实以武备统治东北的目的。  相似文献   
126.
美国教育源于独立之前的殖民地时期。清教在美国教育的兴起与发展过程中发挥了关键作用。普及宗教理念,服务宗教使命奠定了这一时期基础教育追求的目标,成为其原动力。造就教会高级人才,培养牧师队伍,催生了美国早期的高等学府。教派众多,繁荣了这一时期的高等教育,也迫使各个学院逐步放弃教派门户之见,实行宗教宽容与开放。随着时间的推移,在与社会互动的过程中,宗教办学宗旨日趋式微,满足社会需求,适应经济发展,培养各方面需要的人才,成为高等教育的主导理念和实践。在此过程中,殖民地时期的美国教育逐步完成了从宗教走向世俗,从出世走向入世的过渡,孕育出自由平等竞争、独立自主、多样化办学的特色,对后来美国教育的发展产生了导向性影响,成为当代美国教育本质特征形成的滥觞。  相似文献   
127.
针对学术界对马华公会成立过程的不同观点和分歧,在认真研究英国殖民部相关档案的基础上,在马来亚华人社会的分化问题、马华公会领袖们的组织宗旨、英国殖民当局在马华公会成立过程中的作用等方面进行了探讨。得出结论,华社并不总是处于一盘散沙的状态,在某种特定的条件下是能做到团结一致的;马华公会是英国殖民当局发起成立的组织,英国殖民当局在马华公会成立过程中发挥了决定性的作用。英国殖民当局的主要动机是希望马华公会成为协助当局恢复秩序的政治力量;马华公会的华社领袖们则希望与马来族群合作,结束英国殖民统治,建立一个新的民族国家。  相似文献   
128.
Through the study of projects conceived to shape colonial space, this article aims to reconsider the motives and means of French colonial expansion in West Africa in the 1880s and 1890s. The Plan Faidherbe, designed by the Governor of Senegal in the 1860s, outlined a plan for eastward development, including a road and rail link between the Senegal and the Niger Rivers (and beyond, between Algeria and Sudan). The implementation of these routes of penetration called for a number of military-led topographic missions. The study of these missions and of the maps that were produced at the time reveal how such projects and their implementation were mediated by both cartographic and field practices. The case of Captain Henry Brosselard (1855-93), General Faidherbe’s son-in-law, is an interesting example because of the diversity of the missions he led and the extent of territory which he traversed and mapped. This case also shows how, in the course of a career, an officer could assume several different functions and come to conceive the process of building colonial territory from different perspectives. This paper questions a common view of the military as having a purely strategic vision of space as a field of conquest, a view which reserves a more development-oriented outlook for civil administrators and the business community. Indeed, Brosselard’s varied career somewhat blurs the conventional divide between civilians and soldiers, requiring us to reconsider accepted ways of categorising colonial actors.  相似文献   
129.
Contrary to widespread conception, environmental issues were commonly debated in public already over a hundred years ago. Based on an extensive newspaper study this paper concentrates on water management and animal welfare issues in the local newspapers in the city of Turku, Finland, in 1890–1950. At the time, the role of the newspapers was important in shaping public understanding of environmental issues. Although the amount of environment‐related writing remained scarce in comparison to today's media, the debate was continuous and sometimes even fierce. Both environmental protection and animal welfare received very positive comments in the press and they were considered important aims. The discussion reflected the opinions of the middle‐class and especially the well‐educated professionals and officials, whose views dominated the debate. However, animal protection also gave women a possibility to get their voice heard. Ordinary newspaper‐reading city dwellers must have been well aware of the local environmental problems already in the early 20th century.  相似文献   
130.
Over much of the nineteenth century, recurring problems of covert and opportunistic conflict between settlers and Indigenous peoples produced considerable debate across the British settler world about how frontier violence could be legally curbed. At the same time, the difficulty of imposing a rule of law on new frontiers was often seen by colonial states as justification for the imposition of order through force. Examining all the mainland Australian colonies from the 1830s to the end of the nineteenth century, this paper asks how this contradictory dilemma played out through deployment of ‘native police’ and the ‘civilising’ role of legalised violence as a strategy for managing the settler frontier. In light of wider debate about a humanely administered empire, Australia’s first native police force established in New South Wales in 1837 was conceived as a measure that would assist in the conciliation and ‘amelioration’ of Aboriginal people. In the coming decades, other Australian colonies employed native police either as dedicated forces or as individual assistants attached to mounted police detachments. Over time, the capacity they held to impose extreme violence on Aboriginal populations in the service of protecting pastoral investments came to reflect an implicit acceptance that punitive measures were required to bring order to disorderly frontiers.

By tracing a gradual shift in the perceived role of native police from one of ‘civilising’ Aboriginal people to one of ‘civilising’ the settler state itself, this paper draws out some of the conditions under which state-sanctioned force became naturalised and legitimated. It concludes that, as an instrument of frontier management, native policing reflected an enduring problem for Australia’s colonial governments in reconciling a legal obligation to treat Aboriginal people as subjects of the crown with a perceived requirement to bring them under colonial authority through the ‘salutary lessons’ of legalised violence.  相似文献   

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