首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   581篇
  免费   16篇
  2023年   7篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   24篇
  2019年   27篇
  2018年   38篇
  2017年   36篇
  2016年   35篇
  2015年   36篇
  2014年   25篇
  2013年   100篇
  2012年   33篇
  2011年   24篇
  2010年   24篇
  2009年   16篇
  2008年   21篇
  2007年   28篇
  2006年   27篇
  2005年   17篇
  2004年   19篇
  2003年   13篇
  2002年   15篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   9篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   2篇
  1992年   1篇
排序方式: 共有597条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Women participated actively in the Finnish Civil War in January 1918–April 1918. The radicalization of the Finnish Social Democratic Party and the embracing of a revolutionary discourse sent tremors also to Sweden. In this article, I investigate how the Swedish Social Democratic women’s journal Morgonbris addresses women’s political violence in the period surrounding the Russian Revolution in March 1917, the October 1917 Bolshevik takeover and the following Civil War in Finland early 1918.

Morgonbris did not shun from reporting or debating women’s political violence, however, as this article shows there is a great discrepancy between how different acts of violence are understood in the greater discourse. Some violence, and especially some acts of violence committed by women, is clearly framed as more legitimate than others.  相似文献   
22.
This study initiates a methodological critique of the state‐level immigration policy literature through the lens of the racial threat and group power perspectives. First, I highlight the conceptual problems related to the application of such theories to legislature‐level data analysis. Next, I demonstrate the methodological and analytical problems that raise concerns about ad hoc theorizing in this field. Using counts of hostile and welcoming immigration legislation (2005–2011), I demonstrate that outgroup size measures correlate positively with both dependent variables while measures of population growth rate yield null results unless used on their own. These results suggest that the use of legislature‐level models with demographic indicators does not allow us to gain a clear understanding of whether and how population dynamics influence immigration policymaking. Based on these findings, I recommend that when using demographic indicators as key explanatory variables, researchers provide evidence of result consistency across multiple model specifications and also test the models with both hostile and inclusive policy variables. Such protocols would help avoid ad hoc theorizing.  相似文献   
23.
雷戈所著《秦汉之际的政治思想与皇权主义》一书,认为从秦朝到汉初的思想史发展阶段是中国思想史上皇权主义意识形态的生成和确立时期,并将其概括为"后战国时代";采用独特的"历史-思想"研究法,从政治制度、官场规则和官吏的政治生活中,挖掘特定时期的政治思想共识,为政治思想史研究开辟了新的路径,并扩大了思想史的资料范围;认为秦汉时期生成的皇权主义秩序,把"天高皇帝远"的制度现实变为"天高皇帝近"的观念实存,实现了对人们思想的可控性,从此,思想成为皇权可以控制和规范的领域,达到了有效的思想专制。这是秦汉以降中国思想史发展的基本特征。该书在研究方法的创新和思想深度的开掘上,都做出了独到的贡献。  相似文献   
24.
房列曙 《史学集刊》2007,5(6):28-34
在中国古代,主要是通过科举制度选拔国家官员。科举制度废除后,孙中山主张在五权宪法的框架之中,由国家设置考试院,主管文官的选拔、任用和考绩。这一创新的理论实践于民国时期。在民国时期,文官考试制度开始运作和完善,其中的特种考试和检定考试是我国的独特创制。文官的任用、考绩、升调、奖惩、抚恤等制度称作文官"铨叙"制度,与文官考试制度相辅相成。文官"铨叙"制度最为规范,也是我国的独特创制。  相似文献   
25.
民国时期公务员(文官)考铨制度研究述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
民国时期开始实行且步履艰难的公务员(文官)考铨制度,历经北京政府、南京政府和抗日战争的动荡,成为民国时期行政管理体制近代化的重要标志.伴随着制度性建设的日益完善和具体实践上的相对混乱,这一时期公务员(文官)考铨制度在理论与实践上的得与失,为后人留下了宝贵遗产.近年来,史学界对这一问题的探讨日益重视,取得了一系列的成果.  相似文献   
26.
本文以中国、日本、韩国电力体制改革实践为比较对象,从改革的起点、目标的选择、引入竞争的方式、电力监管、电力民营化、改革的成效几个角度进行了分析,力求得到一些对深化中国电力市场化改革有意义的启示。  相似文献   
27.
This article focuses on the U.S. diplomat and nuclear arms control negotiator Gerald (Gerry) Coat Smith in order to cast new light on the importance of diplomats in the context of the set of international activities currently labelled as “science diplomacy.” Smith, a lawyer by training, was a key negotiator in many international agreements on post-WW2 atomic energy projects, from those on uranium prospecting and mining, to reactors technologies to later ones on non-proliferation and disarmament. His career in science (nuclear) diplomacy also epitomized the shortcomings of efforts to align other countries’ posture on nuclear affairs to U.S. wishes. In particular, the unswerving diplomat increasingly understood that strong-arm tactics to dissuade other countries from acquiring nuclear weapons would not limit proliferation. Not only did this inform later U.S. diplomacy approaches, but it lent itself to the ascendancy of the new notion of “soft power” as critical to the re-definition of international affairs.  相似文献   
28.
张瑞龙 《清史研究》2020,118(2):73-91
恩诏广额是明清科举考试中因皇帝特恩增加录取的一次性扩招名额。与生员学额和乡会试中额等逐渐成型的定额不同,恩诏广额是介于成型制度、习惯性规则和统治者的自由裁量之间的问题,显示了君主制与科举制的互动。本文旨在考察明清恩诏科举广额制度的原委及其具体实施和调整状况,以及背后因应的重大历史事件,概括恩诏广额的常例、定额和类型,探究明清两朝恩诏科举广额制度的异同与演变,以为进一步探讨明清科举制度的源流递嬗和明清政治异同,提供一特殊的观察视角。  相似文献   
29.
This article contributes to the emerging literature on the role of constitutional courts in consociational democracies. While most works have approached the topic from the perspective of regime dynamics, this analysis focuses on how courts relate to the constitutions they are mandated to enforce. Beyond addressing the empirical question of what choices courts make in their balancing between universal values and stability, this article also investigates how courts do this balancing. Through the analysis of seven cases from two consociations, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland, I argue that courts embrace specific interpretive approaches (proportionality analysis, purposive interpretation, and the political question doctrine) to reconcile the ideas of constitutional supremacy and respect for political agreements. The analysis also demonstrates how—by their nature political—framework agreements establishing consociational settlements become primary reference points for interpreting constitutional documents.  相似文献   
30.
What role does national identity play after civil war? Is reconstruction possible on the basis of an existing identity, or does a new identity have to be found? Much depends on whether narratives of conflict are unifying. I use the tools of cultural sociology to explain why the Finnish Civil War of 1918 has become a unifying ‘cultural trauma’ for the Finns, whereas the Irish Civil War of 1922–23 never became the dominant referent in Irish national identity. The difference is explained by the greater shock civil war posed to Finnish national identity.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号