A Late Hellenistic–Early Roman Fortress at Khirbat Mudayna as-Saliya,Central Jordan

ABSTRACT

Mudayna as-Saliya is a fortress site at the summit of an isolated promontory near the eastern end of Wadi Mujib, central Jordan. Archaeological surveys of the site have exposed potential evidence of Iron Age and classical period use with its occupational zenith in the late Hellenistic-early Roman period. The ruin on the surface is remarkably similar in architectural and hydrological design to the fortress of Machaerus. This paper, based on available survey data, suggests that the Hasmoneans were responsible for the construction of the fortress at Mudayna as-Saliya, which was reused by the Nabateans during the early Roman period. Finding a potential Hasmonean desert fortress on the desert fringe of eastern Transjordan was unexpected, and it might have significant ramifications for the study of Hasmonean, Herodian, and Nabatean kingdoms in central Jordan.     

基于多源数据的兰州市主城区城市职住空间关系研究

随着中国经济转轨和社会转型，“职住分离”日趋严重，导致城市出现了一系列问题，急需对新的职住关系进行检视。职住关系研究的难点在于如何有效地锁定居住地、工作地，以及居民如何在居住地-工作地之间位移、居住-就业的空间匹配关系。论文以百度POI大数据和热力图为支撑，辅助问卷调查，结合兰州市土地利用现状图，综合应用职住比模型和最近距离等分析方法，多尺度刻画了兰州市主城区的职住关系。结果表明：在城区尺度上，兰州市职住关系总体处于平衡状态，职住平衡型占99.40%，居住倾向型和就业倾向型分别仅占0.12%和0.48%。从城市核心区到边缘区，职住失衡逐渐加重。职住平衡更多地体现在单位型社区上，失衡主要由商业型社区引致。在街道尺度上，职住关系差异明显，绝大多数街道处于职住平衡状态。城市核心区街道以“就业倾向型”为主；边缘区街道表现为“居住倾向型”。     

Neoliberalism in a Small Canadian City? Windsor City Council and the Reform of the Detroit River Border Crossing

This article examines the idea of the neoliberal city. Using the reform of the Detroit River international border crossing between Canada and the United States as a case study, the article explores the extent to which a small- to medium-sized Canadian municipality is capable of developing policy positions that challenge neoliberalism. The conclusion is mixed. Windsor City Council is not advancing policies that present a fundamental challenge to the economic status quo. It does not, for example, challenge the rationale that a new border crossing will facilitate freer trade. Nevertheless, neither are the municipal council's positions completely in line with arguments that municipal governments have no room to advance positions in opposition to major economic interests. The council is advancing policy positions opposed by major local, regional and international business interests. There is, therefore, some evidence of the possibility of local agency within the geography of neoliberalism.     

Resisting the Inevitable? The Parliament Act 1911

The Parliament Act 1911, limiting the veto power of the house of lords, constitutes a major piece of constitutional legislation in the United Kingdom. The vulnerability of the house of lords to major change was long‐standing and to be found in the actions of prime ministers over more than a century. The constitutional crisis leading to the passage of the act was triggered by the rejection of the budget by the Lords in 1909. However, the outcome of the crisis was by no means certain, either in terms of the provisions of the Parliament Bill or its passage. It was neither a product of a clash between peers and people or a principled debate as to the place of the second chamber in the nation's constitutional arrangements. It was the result of the stances taken on the issue that had dominated British politics since the 1880s: Irish home rule. This determined that the house of lords would be subject to change, not in terms of composition but in respect of its powers. In terms of the contemporary relevance of the act, attempts at further changes to the second chamber constitute neither history repeating itself nor unfinished business.