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21.
《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2017,27(2):167-179
Written sources show that livestock were traded during the Roman period. However, there is scarce information available to characterise this trade because of its invisibility in the archaeological record. In our paper, we shed light on this issue by applying both osteometric and genetic analyses on cattle remains from the Roman trading post of Empúries (Catalonia) to determine how livestock contributed to Roman trade and, thus, to the economy of the Empire. Analysis of 26 cattle metacarpals from Empúries has allowed us to document the presence of different cattle morphotypes in this city during its Early Roman occupation. The morphological and genetic differences seen in Empúries cattle can be explained through trade of different cattle varieties, more appropriate for milk production and/or traction than the local stock. Once arrived at the port of Empúries, these imported cattle would have then been distributed to surrounding villas. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
22.
西汉景帝阳陵自上世纪90年代开展考古工作以来,现已清理了陵园建筑基址、外藏坑、陪葬墓等诸多遗存,出土了极其丰富的各种遗物,其中陶猪、陶羊、陶狗、陶鸡、陶牛等陶塑动物为一大宗。相对而言,陶牛数量不是很多,但仔细分 相似文献
23.
《Environmental Archaeology》2013,18(1):11-28
AbstractNew work is presented regarding the estimation of age at death in cattle based on the teeth. For younger cattle, before all the teeth are fully in wear, mandible stages are based on the eruption events, subdivided using wear on the most recently erupted tooth. For older cattle, a method of study using the position of the cement-enamel junction and the root arch of the molar teeth is presented. These are used to define summary mandible stages for older cattle. In order to suggest the ages at which the mandible stages occur, studies were made using reference material of known age at death at the Julius Kühn Museum, Halle, Germany (88 records), and two smaller collections in the UK (6 records). Further reference data were obtained from study of the literature (42 data points) (Jones and Sadler 2012). The results are presented using standard summary methods and the more detailed mandible stages. 相似文献
24.
In many areas of the world, current theories for agricultural origins emphasize yield as a major concern during intensification. In Africa, however, the need for scheduled consumption shaped the development of food production. African cattle were domesticated during the tenth millennium BP by delayed-return Saharan hunter-gatherers in unstable, marginal environments where predictable access to resources was a more significant problem than absolute abundance. Pastoralism spread patchily across the continent according to regional variations in the relative predictability of herding versus hunting and gathering. Domestication of African plants was late (after 4000 BP) because of the high mobility of herders, and risk associated with cultivation in arid environments. Renewed attention to predictability may contribute to understanding the circumstances that led to domestication in other regions of the world. 相似文献
25.
铁牛、铁猪出现在两京地区的晚唐墓葬中,在墓葬中的位置一般是墓室的“丑亥”二位。而宋元墓葬中出土的形制、数量、位置以及出现区域发生了一些变化。在此基础上,本文结合文献论述了铁牛、铁猪的“压胜”性质和镇墓、驱邪作用。 相似文献
26.
The phenomenon of perforated cattle skulls is well known to archaeozoologists. It is a condition that has not only been reported during routine faunal analyses but, unusually for animal palaeopathological studies, it has also been the subject of dedicated research papers. A revolutionary moment in the understanding of this anomaly came with its detection in the skull of a European bison. As a result of this discovery, a developmental disorder of genetic origin is now accepted as the most probable cause. In this paper, it is suggested that the perforations are caused by a developmental disorder that is expressed during the pneumatisation of the frontal, parietal and occipital bones in animals with a large sinus frontalis. The first published example of this condition in pig supports this hypothesis. It is argued that the anomaly is a hereditary trait caused by a recessive gene, the phenotypic expression of which only appears in homozygous recessive individuals. Higher incidences of this condition in past cattle and pig populations in certain places at times, may therefore testify to the occurrence of population bottlenecks and/or inbreeding practices. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
27.
Cheryl A. Makarewicz 《Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy》2020,31(1):168-177
The translocation of livestock into the Arabian Peninsula was underway by the sixth millennium BC. It remains unclear, however, whether nascent pastoralism in Arabia focused on specialised cattle herding, intensive caprine husbandry, or more extensive forms of sheep, goat and cattle management. Here, the role of Bos in Neolithic animal exploitation systems in the Arabian Peninsula is re-examined in the context of fisher-hunter-gatherer groups inhabiting the coasts of the Arabian Gulf, agro-pastoralist settlements located in the Jordanian highlands, and hunter-herder communities in adjacent Jordanian steppe (badia). By the late sixth millennium BC, cattle from southern Mesopotamia were imported to the Arabian littoral via Ubaid exchange networks but remained a relatively unimportant part of local hunter-gatherer-herder subsistence for at least a millennium. New zooarchaeological evidence indicating cattle herding in the Jordanian highlands by the late eighth millennium BC suggests a southern transmission route originating out of Late Pre-Pottery Neolithic B settlements and the subsequent spread of cattle along the Sarawat mountains into the interior or down the relatively arid Red Sea coast via land or boat. Cattle eventually played a central role in the symbolic and ritual lives of herders in southern Arabia, but the use of the term ‘cattle pastoralism’ to describe early Neolithic subsistence systems in the region is premature. 相似文献
28.
Vanessa Navarrete Carlos Tornero Marie Balasse Maria Saa 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2019,29(6):986-998
The arrival of early farmers and their livestock in the western Mediterranean during the early Neolithic marked a new way of life for the north‐east Iberian Peninsula. Given the permanence of the introduced economic strategies, which are still practiced today, and their apparently momentous outcome, this process has generally been explained as a success. The introduction of livestock must have played a fundamental role, but we know little about how these newly arrived domestic animals were managed. In this sense, the management of food habits of domestic animals could be a key factor to understand the success of different herding systems during the introduction and adaptation of domesticates in the Iberian Peninsula. Sequential analyses of δ13C and δ18O values in tooth enamel crowns are here used to provide detailed information about dietary inputs of early caprine and bovine herds introduced into the Iberian Peninsula. Our study was carried out at La Draga (5314–5209 cal BC), a site on the eastern side of Lake Banyoles (Girona, NE Iberian Peninsula). Data show that caprine and bovine herds were fed with variable foddering strategies. Sheep reflect feeding in the swamps or on forest resources with reduced seasonal dietary changes. Goat and cattle herds display food habits that could involve foddering on stored agricultural by‐products during specific season times, probably linked to reproductive and productive strategies. This information helps to reconstruct how these early Neolithic communities found the way to success in the new territories of the western Mediterranean. 相似文献
29.
Cludia Costa Ana M.S. Bettencourt Marta Senra 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2019,29(4):602-612
The inclusion of faunal remains in funerary practices is widely documented in Iberian prehistory. For the late prehistory (Neolithic to Bronze Age), there is relatively more data than in earlier periods, with limb segments being very common, and complete animals are rarer. In Bronze Age contexts from South‐Western Iberia, a high percentage of human burials in subterranean chambers (hypogea) are associated with limb bones of cattle (Bos taurus) and sheep/goats (Ovis/Capra), along with other grave goods. Traditionally, this practice is interpreted as the result of rituals of commensality. In this paper, we present a different perspective. Besides commensality, we show that the inclusion of the same species and the same anatomical parts is a highly standardised behaviour. Beyond the tight connection between humans and animals, this pattern also points to a strong symbolism of these domestic species and to symbolic meaning of the anatomical parts themselves. 相似文献
30.
A. G. F. M. Cuijpers 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2006,16(6):465-480
In archaeology, it is not always possible to identify bone fragments. A novel approach was chosen to assess the potential of histology as an identification tool in those instances in which macroscopical study (e.g. by means of bone surface texture) has failed. This study concentrated on the diaphyses of long bones in three species of comparable size which are relevant to archaeology. Late juvenile and adult human diaphyseal bone structure was compared with the bone structure of horses and cattle. Since bone structure can differ even within a single bone, the restrictions in terms of bone category, bone part and species were deemed necessary for the development of a useful identification method for archaeological bone. The reference series comprised long bones from several individuals to broaden the insight into variations in diaphyseal bone structure within a single species. A general difference in the primary bone types was found between humans and the two large mammals. Human bone displayed lamellar bone types, whereas horses and cattle showed fibrous bone types. The only exceptions were separated growth layers. A difference in the secondary bone structure was also observed. A large number of connecting, primary (Volkmann's) canals, giving the secondary bone a reticular aspect, were common in horses and cattle. They were not, however, present in the human bones studied. To confirm the validity and applicability of these differences, a blind test was conducted on 15 diaphyseal fragments of identified long bones from archaeological sites. The results were very promising. Although four fragments could not be identified due to severe degradation, all the others were correctly attributed. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献