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21.
What role does national identity play after civil war? Is reconstruction possible on the basis of an existing identity, or does a new identity have to be found? Much depends on whether narratives of conflict are unifying. I use the tools of cultural sociology to explain why the Finnish Civil War of 1918 has become a unifying ‘cultural trauma’ for the Finns, whereas the Irish Civil War of 1922–23 never became the dominant referent in Irish national identity. The difference is explained by the greater shock civil war posed to Finnish national identity.  相似文献   
22.
Sorcery and warfare are closely interrelated in the Eastern Highlands of Papua New Guinea. In contrast to other areas of the Highlands, sorcery in large parts of the Eastern Highlands is considered to be an exclusively male domain, and violent retribution for deaths attributed to sorcery is primarily directed against other communities. Thus, sorcery accusations have the tendency to escalate to large‐scale inter‐group warfare, often causing additional casualties. Sorcery beliefs have undergone changes during the colonial and postcolonial era, with new forms of sorcery proliferating, and the zones of safety from sorcery shrinking, due to demographic and economic changes. Sorcery accusations were triggers for the resumption of warfare during the late 1970s and 1980s, and they remain pertinent to outbreaks of hostilities today. In fact, the majority of armed conflicts between 1975 and 2006 among a sample of Fore, Auyana, and Tairora communities in the Okapa and Obura‐Wonenara districts of the Eastern Highlands Province are connected to sorcery beliefs and sorcery accusations. These sorcery accusations are the result of uneven economic development and failure to deliver basic social services. When violence is threatened, local leaders try to mediate the hostility, but the state seems unable to offer alternatives for the peaceful settlement of conflicts.  相似文献   
23.
This article provides the first comprehensive and chronological analysis of Carl Schmitt’s reception of Carl von Clausewitz. While earlier scholarship has mostly stressed Schmitt’s shift from Clausewitzian ‘instrumentality’ to an ‘existential’ view of war, I note some inherent difficulties in this dichotomy and instead promote the parallel distinction between two argument types: those of containment and intensification. Schmitt theorized both limited political war and the intensification of war out of traditional bounds, and focusing on one should not eclipse the other. Further, both elements are identifiable already in Clausewitz. I analyse Schmitt’s oscillation between containment and intensification arguments chronologically from the mid-1920s to the 1960s. Despite sometimes nominally rejecting Clausewitz’s famous thesis of war as the continuation of politics, Schmitt nevertheless affirmed the idea of war’s political nature. I conclude that Schmitt’s view can be read as a radicalized version of the Clausewitzian political theory of war rather than a strict deviation from it. This becomes evident as soon as we place Schmitt’s partly incoherent observations on Clausewitz in their argumentative contexts.  相似文献   
24.
This article traces the implementation, execution, and results of the French Ministry of Armaments’ scrap iron collection drive from September 1939 to June 1940. This collection drive was a belated effort to mobilize patriotic sentiment and raw materials for France’s war effort. By the late 1930s, the French government realized that it did not have — and, more importantly, would not be able to acquire — enough metal to meet ambitious armament plans. In September 1939, Raoul Dautry, the Minister of Armaments, began moving toward a controlled economy by setting up central distribution organizations, preventing the movement of stocks, and organizing the national scrap drive, modelled, in part, on Germany. Despite a rural distrust of the state and cases of individuals hoarding metal, most people responde­d to the call. Yet logistical difficulties in finances, manpower, and transportation hampered efforts. By May 1940, half of the 85,000 tons collected remained piled on the platforms of railway stations. With the invasion, the Germans immediately confiscated this metal. With the defeat of France, this failed drive came to symbolize France’s defeat and humiliation, as well as the impotence of the Third Republic.  相似文献   
25.
徐良利 《史学月刊》2006,12(5):65-70
合赞是伊儿汗国第七位君主,1295年奉伊斯兰教为国教,使蒙古人在波斯的统治政策发生根本性转变,顺应了波斯社会历史发展的客观需要;合赞大力进行社会改革,把掠夺成性的蒙古游牧贵族转变为关心定居生活的封建领主;合赞还鼓励发展科学文化教育事业,传承和发展了波斯文明。所有这一切,合赞是积极的、进步的,并且是主要的。但是,合赞与埃及的马木路克王朝为争夺叙利亚,多次发动战争,反映出蒙古统治阶级本身的消极和落后性。不过,在合赞汗一生的事业中只占次要地位。合赞汗在伊朗历史和蒙古族历史上是一位杰出的统治者。  相似文献   
26.
高技术条件下的人类、战争与环境--以1991年海湾战争为例   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
贾珺 《史学月刊》2006,1(1):114-123
科技进步和军事变革互为条件、共同发展。战争作为“流血的政治”,其根本属性并没有随着科技进步而改变。它不仅是人类社会内部的严重冲突,更是特定生态系统中人与环境的对立。与以往的战争模式相比,高技术战争看似“人道”,却凸显出人与环境之关系更趋紧张的态势。以1991年海湾战争为例,战争双方滥用科技带来的破坏,几乎超出了自然环境的自我恢复能力和人类重建家园能力。无论联军还是伊军,都是环境的破坏者,他们连同平民一起又是环境破坏后果的最终承担者。从人与环境的关系入手审视高技术战争,使我们看到了现有的战争伦理的局限性。  相似文献   
27.
本文对《平定苗疆战图》的创作背景、题材选择、艺术水平及乾隆与组画的关系等进行了探讨与评述,对组画作了重新定名,并重新标记了各幅的画题,调整了其排列顺序,对各图作了详细介绍。文章最后阐述了清中期铜版战图创作的若干特色。  相似文献   
28.
本文用地下出土的《孙子兵法》材料与传世文献记载相印证,探讨了该书的原始及流传情况。从《孙子兵法》、《孙膑兵法》、《吴子》诸书的产生与发展入手,论证我国战国时期曾存在过的,假托圣人、智者与人问答的著书风气。而这种风气的形成,实肇源于兵书的影响。  相似文献   
29.
Adam Ramadan 《对极》2008,40(4):658-677
Abstract: In the war between Israel and Hizbullah in 2006, 10,000 displaced Lebanese citizens were granted shelter and hospitality by Palestinian refugees in the camps of southern Lebanon. For the duration of the war, the Palestinian guests became hosts to their own hosts, and this temporary reversal of the usual relations of refuge set the scene for the rebuilding and renegotiation of relations between Palestinian refugees and their host country and its citizens. This paper addresses these events through a focus on the nature, politics and ethics of Palestinian hospitality and argues that hospitality was not simply a selfless act of giving, but also an instrumental act that had the potential to transform Palestinian–Lebanese relations in lasting ways.  相似文献   
30.
Between 1961 and 1996 civil war in Guatemala claimed the lives of an estimated 200,000 people, over 80% of whom (according to a United Nations Truth Commission) were Maya Indians. The experience of one Maya family, whose story is narrated, raises questions pertaining to continued insecurity, lack of justice, and uninvestigated crimes, the combined effects of which still haunt and charge community life throughout the countryside. Telling about the experience of one family also raises issues concerning the vicissitudes of representation and how fieldwork can, on occasion, yield unanticipated but rewarding returns.  相似文献   
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