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61.
在对旅游目的地形象作为系统整体进行认识的基础上,以网络游记文本为数据来源,采用扎根理论的方法探索旅游目的地形象要素的认知过程,建立旅游目的地形象要素认知过程模型,采用统计方法对旅游目的地形象要素认知过程的维度差异进行研究。结果发现,旅游目的地形象要素的认知过程包括信息获取、认知加工和要素变化等3个过程。其中,信息获取过程是旅游目的地形象要素认知过程的基础环节,包括感官体验、人际互动和信息搜寻等3种获取方式;认知加工过程是形象要素认知过程的核心环节,包括对比和聚类等2种方式;形象要素变化过程是认知过程的最后阶段,包括强化、调整和新建等3种变化方式。旅游目的地形象不同维度的形象要素认知过程中,信息获取方式和变化方式存在维度差异,认知加工方式不存在明显维度差异。  相似文献   
62.
采用近代分析方法研究墨坯锤打过程中的物理化学机理,结合古墨的结构形貌分析,对其保存问题进行初步探讨。  相似文献   
63.
In the study of the Classic Maya collapse around the 9th century a.d., scholars tend to emphasize its gradual nature. New data, however, point to multiple episodes of rapid social change that affected wide areas. We investigated these critical moments at Ceibal (Seibal), Guatemala, through intensive excavations in its Group D. This naturally defensible location was used as a primary elite complex, possibly including a royal palace, during the Late Classic period (a.d. 600–810). By refining the chronology, we have identified four episodes of political disruption, including the impact of a military defeat by the Dos Pilas dynasty in a.d. 735, the takeover of Ceibal by an illegitimate ruler in a.d. 771, the ritual destruction of various buildings at the Ceibal dynastic collapse around a.d. 810, and the final abandonment of Ceibal around a.d. 900. These finds provide significant insights into the process of political disintegration in the Maya lowlands.  相似文献   
64.
Causal process tracing (CPT) has emerged as an important method of causal inference in qualitative social science research, most notably in case study research designs. There is now a considerable literature on the aims, philosophical groundings, and methods of process tracing. This paper reviews the CPT literature to assess what new directions it may suggest for policy studies. The first part of the paper sets out the methodological advantages CPT offers in building and testing theories of policy change, most notably in supporting a theoretical pluralism to address the problem of complexity in policy studies. Building on recent scholarship across the social sciences, the second part examines step by step the recently minted “best practice” for undertaking CPT in policy studies. This part includes discussion of the possible pitfalls of CPT as a method; common errors involved in its use are set out and minimization strategies offered. In particular, while acknowledging the usefulness of Bayesian tests for causality as heuristic devices, we emphasize the limitations of applying such tests in practice. Possible correctives are suggested. The final part of the paper speculates more generally on the potential of CPT to improve our investigation of patterns of policy change over time.  相似文献   
65.
John Allen  Allan Cochrane 《对极》2010,42(5):1071-1089
Abstract: Multi‐scalar or multi‐site power relations offer two contrasting ways of understanding the shifting geography of state power. In this paper, we argue for a different starting point, one that favours a topological understanding of state spatiality over more conventional topographical accounts. In contrast to a vertical or horizontal imagery of the geography of state power, what states possess, we suggest, is reach, not height. In doing so, we draw from Sassen (2006 , Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages, Princeton University Press) a vocabulary capable of portraying the renegotiation of powers that has taken place between central government in the UK and one of its key city regions, the South East of England; one that highlights an assemblage of political actors, some public, some private, where negotiations take place between elements of central and local actors “lodged” within the region, not acting “above”, “below” or “alongside” it. The articulation of political demands in such a context has less to do with “jumping scale” or formalizing extensive network connections and more to do with the ability to reach directly into a “centralized” politics where proximity and reach play across one another in particular ways.  相似文献   
66.
Norbert Elias's The Civilizing Process, which was published in German in 1939 and first translated into English in two volumes in 1978 and 1982, is now widely regarded as one of the great works of twentieth‐century sociology. This work attempted to explain how Europeans came to think of themselves as more “civilized” than their forebears and neighboring societies. By analyzing books about manners that had been published between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries, Elias observed changing conceptions of shame and embarrassment with respect to, among other things, bodily propriety and violence. To explain those developments, Elias examined the interplay among the rise of state monopolies of power, increasing levels of economic interconnectedness among people, and pressures to become attuned to others over greater distances that led to advances in identifying with others in the same society irrespective of social origins. Elias's analysis of the civilizing process was not confined, however, to explaining changing social bonds within separate societies. The investigation also focused on the division of Europe into sovereign states that were embroiled in struggles for power and security. This article provides an overview and analysis of Elias's principal claims in the light of growing interest in this seminal work in sociology. The analysis shows how Elias defended higher levels of synthesis in the social sciences to explain relations between “domestic” and “international” developments, and changes in social structure and in the emotional lives of modern people. Elias's investigation, which explained long‐term processes of development over several centuries, pointed to the limitations of inquiries that concentrate on short‐term intervals. Only by placing short‐term trends in long‐term perspective could sociologists understand contemporary developments. This article maintains that Elias's analysis of the civilizing process remains an exemplary study of long‐term developments in Western societies over the last five centuries.  相似文献   
67.
本文主要论述三个问题:一、西汉前期,有经学的指导思想,但没有《诗经》经学的范本。即《子夏序》是不存在的,并从六个方面加以证明。二、《毛诗》经学化的过程。三、《毛诗》经学化的模式及其特点与得失。  相似文献   
68.
E-mail has changed the policy process in state legislatures because political actors now have a new way to present their message to state legislators. What little research has been conducted on this topic examines e-mail communication generally and does not compare results by policy actor. Using an original survey of state legislators in eight states, we test for systematic effects of variables on general e-mail views and for effects specific to particular policy actors. We find that legislators have a nuanced approach to e-mail usage in the policy process with their assessment of its impact differing significantly for constituents, intermediary groups, and policy insiders. Only gender consistently shapes legislators' beliefs about e-mail with all groups, but institutional features, legislator characteristics, and legislator beliefs shape views on e-mail with different target groups. Clearly, legislators are attuned to the audience communicating via e-mail, and they value e-mail with each group differently.  相似文献   
69.
The social construction of target populations has emerged as an influential framework for understanding the public policy process. In particular, target populations have been shown to shape the allocation of benefits and burdens by political elites. However, existing studies focus on the elite level, which overlooks whether public preferences are aligned with the allocation of policy benefits and burdens by political elites. Moreover, many studies treat social constructions as homogenous, which this paper calls into question. Using a nation‐wide survey experiment, I investigate variation in public support for affirmative action policies with randomly assigned target populations. The findings indicate that the public formulates policy preferences on the basis of perceived deservingness of target groups similar to political elites. In addition, the findings uncover heterogeneity in the effect of targeting on public opinion based on ideology and racial/ethnic group identity.  相似文献   
70.
How do policymakers respond to crises? The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) answers this question by focusing on the contest over policy narratives. This paper focuses on the individuals constructing those policy narratives, conceptualizing them as policy narrators. Using a case study approach, we analyze seven counties located in a major oil and gas formation in Texas, which in early 2020 faced both an oil bust and the onset of COVID-19. We explore four sets of propositions about how policy narrators source, synthesize, and share their policy narratives. We find that while their narratives vary, the structure of those narratives is similar; their backgrounds shape how they source narratives, and they tailor their levels of narrative breach to the action (or inaction) they hope for. They avoid casting other local actors as villains, place their audience as the hero, and situate themselves as either supporting or a member of that audience, stressing their common ties. From these findings, we put forward a working definition of policy narrators, identify how they fit into the NPF, and discuss how they relate to other types of policy actors, including policy entrepreneurs.  相似文献   
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