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71.
王乃明 《攀登》2011,30(5):76-81
转变农业发展方式与实践科学发展观是内在统一的,以科学发展观为统领是转变农业发展方式的灵魂。从科学发展观视角看,关键是在转变上下功夫,通过转变农业发展方式,实现农业又好又快发展,实现以人为本,统筹兼顾,推进农业协调发展  相似文献   
72.
胡蓉  吴春庆 《攀登》2011,30(6):89-91
农村经济的发展和抵御农业风险均离不开农业保险。在农产品分散生产的情况下,作为青海省支柱产业之一的农牧业发展基础还比较薄弱,农户、中小型农牧企业与合作社抵抗风险的能力也较弱,因此必须重视发展和扩大青海农业保险,以减少农户的风险损失,提高农牧民收入。  相似文献   
73.
高伟 《攀登》2007,26(1):104-107
日本的农业保险被认为是世界农业保险的“成功经验”。文章介绍了日本农业保险的发展概况、制度结构和主要经验,并以农作物保险为例介绍了农业保险的主要内容。日本发展农业保险的主要经验有:强有力的立法保障;财政的大力支持;一定的强制性;先进的农险统计系统和政府的再保险支持。日本经验对我国的启示意义主要有四:一是加快推进农业保险立法;二是加大财政补贴力度,驱动农业保险发展;三是实行强制保险与自愿保险相结合,提高参与率;四是建立农业再保险机制。  相似文献   
74.
Schumann  Dirk 《German history》2007,25(2):192-218
Between 1945 and 1975 West Germany became modernized and liberalized.School education was one of the key fields in which this processwas played out. Methods of school discipline, corporal punishmentin particular, were the subject of heated public debates, reflectingthe broader political and moral issues of West German postwarreconstruction. The article examines the debate and its conclusionin the 1970s by focusing on Hesse, the only Land that bannedcorporal punishment in schools completely in 1946, and Bavariaand North Rhine-Westphalia, which both allowed it under restrictions.Proponents of corporal punishment pointed to the problems withdeviant youth in the postwar years and declared the use of thistype of sanction to be a right given to teachers by customarylaw. Opponents, however, put forward pedagogical, psychological,political, and moral arguments and called for a clear breakwith authoritarian methods of the past as necessary for rebuildingdemocracy. The pace and character of change, however, was determinedin the field of law. While a Supreme Court ruling in 1954 supportedthe opponents' position, a 1957 ruling by another Chamber ofthe same court reaffirmed the traditional customary-law viewof a teacher's right to wield the cane. Customary law couldonly be superseded by written law, but when most Land governmentsfinally abolished corporal punishment in schools in the early1970s, they did so, following Hesse's example, by administrativedecree only. While teachers who violated the ban therefore werenot automatically subject to criminal proceedings, courts remainedreluctant to uphold the ban. The abolition of corporal punishmentin schools, which also came at the price of an increase in bureaucraticregulations about school discipline and school life, can thusbe seen as reflecting the ambivalence of modernization and liberalizationafter 1945.  相似文献   
75.
Fresh food markets have been a fixture of the social and economic landscape of urban and rural PNG since colonial times. They were often the first points of engagement with the market economy, especially for women, who as small‐scale producers, sold surplus produce from their food gardens located on communally‐owned land. Although local food markets have remained an important livelihood for women, the later adoption and expansion of perennial export cash crops like coffee and cocoa overshadowed food production for local markets as men dominated export crop production on land alienated from communal ownership for decades or permanently. New forms of social relations of production and more exclusive forms of land tenure emerged to accommodate export crop production that were very different from those governing the production and marketing of fresh food. Market values and a trend towards individualisation of production with less capacity to mobilise labour through reciprocal labour exchange networks have characterised export crop production. With the income benefits captured largely by men, women began redirecting their labour to fresh food production where they were able to exercise more control of production and income while still mobilising labour through indigenous labour exchange arrangements. Attempts by men to appropriate the income of women and sons’ labour in export cropping were greater during flush periods when income levels were high, and they were less likely to attempt to appropriate this income in low crop periods when incomes were lower. However, with the recent emergence of female entrepreneurers earning relatively large sums of money in large‐scale, profit‐driven vegetable production, the moral frameworks governing food production are coming to resemble those governing export crops, and making labour more difficult to mobilise. Despite women being key players in these changes, we argue there is an emerging risk that men will attempt to assert control over this income or move into vegetable production themselves and possibly marginalise women in the process.  相似文献   
76.
This article examines Soviet thinking about authoritarian modernization through the life and thought of Georgii Mirskii, a noted expert on Arab politics. Mirskii was a regular adviser and speechwriter for the Soviet Central Committee, and was also followed by the KGB for his criticism of Stalin. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Mirskii looked to the example of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser to develop a theory of military-led modernization. This article examines how Mirskii's faith in the ability of Third World militaries to function as modernizing forces changed over time. The course of military politics in the Third World during the 1970s and 1980s, when military coups proliferated, bringing to power violent and self-interested regimes, disabused Mirskii of any faith in military modernization. Examining Mirskii's thought not only sheds light on the ideas that motivated Khrushchev-era Soviet foreign and development policy, it also provides an illuminating comparison for better-studied theories of authoritarian modernization in the United States.  相似文献   
77.
This epilogue reflects on the findings of the articles collected in this section and discusses their contributions to the history of international organizations and rural development.  相似文献   
78.
The historiography of Australian imperialism before the First World War has often neglected a context wider than the relationship with Great Britain. Yet this era also implicated non-British governments and their emigrants. Despite their small numbers, Italian settlers are significant for highlighting Italy's empire-building and Australia's struggles for national and imperial unity. Italy's foreign policies after 1901 opened commercial opportunities across its diasporic networks, which included subsidising agricultural ‘colonies’ in Australia. The contemporary discourses of sectarianism and racism voiced before Federation articulated political and popular resistance against Italian immigrants. The rhetoric shifted after Federation as state governments examined the issue of land tenure for closer settlements (small agricultural farms), appealing to an argument about serving unemployed Australians before approving foreign settler schemes. The history leading up to two Italian projects in Western Australia and Queensland in 1907 allows reflections on Italy's diaspora colonisation and Australian responses to foreign imperialism.  相似文献   
79.
Abstract

Calixtlahuaca, a Middle–Late Postclassic site in the Toluca Valley of central Mexico, was occupied ca. a.d. 1100–1530. Our excavations reveal some of the processes involved in the creation, functions, and decay of a large hilltop urban center. At its height, the majority of the site’s surface (264 ha) was covered with residential-agricultural terraces supported by a complex water management system. House construction techniques included the use of adobe brick, wattle-and-daub, and stone pavements. Our fieldwork contributes to a growing body of research on hilltop political capitals in Mesoamerica. Using a refined chronology, we illuminate the processes by which people constructed the residential zones of this ancient hilltop city.  相似文献   
80.
An increasing number of consumers find it important that food is produced locally and in an environmentally friendly way. This development is beneficial for small‐scale and organic farmers. It might also give them new opportunities to influence policy‐making. Agriculture is however a policy sector where conventional and large‐scale farming interests have had a strong position for a long time. This paper examines the possibilities for Scandinavian smallholders' and organic farmers' organizations to exert influence on agricultural policy. In Sweden, the main focus of investigation, the smallholders are marginalized. The organic farmers on the other hand have been successful and during the 1990s they managed to establish themselves in the policy network.  相似文献   
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