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181.
B. G. de Groot 《Archaeometry》2019,61(3):600-613
This study compares the results of Jaccard and Kulczynski‐2 similarity measures on a sample of ceramic assemblages to reveal spatio‐temporal patterns in the relationship between Neolithic sites in western Anatolia and south‐eastern Europe (c.6600–5500 bc ). The results show that the relationship between spatial distance and ceramic assemblage similarity has increased through time, which supports previous interpretations of leapfrog migrations and subsequent regionalization in ceramic assemblages during the Neolithic. A diachronic network analysis demonstrates the continuation of Aegean networking after the spread of farming. 相似文献
182.
Thomas Cowan 《对极》2018,50(5):1244-1266
Gurgaon, India's “millennium city”, is today synonymous with India's embrace of global real estate capital and private sector‐led urban development. This paper asserts that Gurgaon's spectacular urbanisation has been fundamentally underpinned by an uneven process of land acquisition, exemption and agrarian transformation. Shifting away from dispossession‐centred analyses of contemporary urbanisation in India, this paper explores Gurgaon's “urban villages” to consider the uneven integration of agrarian classes into emerging urban real estate markets. Through an examination of differential experiences of land acquisition and agrarian social change among Gurgaon's landowning classes, the paper seeks to trace complex and nonlinear processes of agrarian transformation which make possible landscapes of global accumulation. 相似文献
183.
赵伯陶 《古籍整理研究学刊》2009,(1):26-32
<新唐书>、<旧五代史>、<宋史>、<金史>、<元史>、<明史>、<清史稿>七部史书,皆有<选举志>,对于研究我国从隋朝以后确立的科举制度以及相应的学校教育、选官制度等,参考价值颇高.笔者做<七史选举志校注>,均以中华书局整理本为底本,并参考今人诸多成果,受益匪浅,但也发现中华整理本存在标点与校勘方面的一些问题,特列出商斠,以就正于专家学者. 相似文献
184.
徐华 《古籍整理研究学刊》2009,(2):74-79
本文通过对今本《墨子》前七篇的分析和研究,推断《亲士》、《修身》二篇当属墨子早年自著,而《所染》至《三辩》五篇则应为其早期门人弟子所记;并进一步探讨与之相关的两个重要问题,即墨子自著为何偏少、“兼爱”在墨子整个学说思想体系中的地位究竟又是怎样的。 相似文献
185.
Erica Doherty 《Parliamentary History》2015,34(3):339-364
The common view of Irish electoral politics for the 1916 to 1918 period is one of major decline for the traditional nationalist representatives, the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), and the meteoric rise of the newly reconstituted Sinn Féin party; culminating in the latter's overwhelming victory at the December 1918 general election. By examining the February 1918 South Armagh by‐election campaign, this article argues that the Irish Parliamentary Party, which won the contest, was much more resilient than is often acknowledged. Through detailed analysis of election pamphlets, newspaper articles, private correspondence and committee minutes, it considers the significance of the grass‐roots strength of both in the form of their local organisations, the role of the Roman catholic church, and the election strategies of the two parties; in particular Sinn Féin's vilification of the IPP member, T.P. O'Connor, who was in America at the time of the contest. 相似文献
186.
Christopher Rowe 《Parliamentary History》2019,38(2):203-223
It is a paradox that the Liberal Party's electoral defeat in 1841 attested to its underlying strength and vitality. This article focuses on the impact on party unity of the free trade measures advocated by the ministry in the months preceding its fall. The Liberal Party's bold electoral platform antagonised its protectionist MPs, a group previously overlooked in the historiography, but fell short of the demands of its radical wing for political reform. While all the ingredients for fragmentation existed, unity prevailed. Protestations of loyalty to the leadership could be heard from the mouths of Liberal MPs of all shades, from stalwart protectionists who coalesced around the ministry on traditional foreign policy grounds through to the most fervent radicals who celebrated its ‘new’ direction. Such findings of cohesion contradict accounts which have hitherto viewed the 1841 electoral defeat as evidence of the party's inchoateness. Indeed, this article shifts the historiographical narrative away from addressing why the Liberals lost to the more pertinent issue of why the losses suffered were not greater. In answering that question, both the sensitivity with which the financial agenda was presented by ministers and the flexibility of different sections of the Liberal Party in interpreting and presenting the free trade measures to the electorate are underlined. Above all, Lord John Russell is rehabilitated as a ‘popular’ leader and his importance in the development of the nascent Liberal Party is unearthed. 相似文献
187.
Thomas A.W. Stewart 《Parliamentary History》2019,38(2):262-277
With their unpredictability and occurrence in between nationwide elections, by‐elections have attracted a degree of scholarly interest. However, this has focused almost exclusively on how the contests have affected, or failed to affect, the direction of national politics. This article seeks to, instead, explore their influence upon the locality in which they are fought. It will achieve this through an analysis of the 1973 Dundee East by‐election and its consequences for the development of the local Scottish National Party (SNP). Prior to the by‐election, the party had not been particularly strong in Dundee. Yet the contest provided a setting in which it was able to transform itself into one of the most effective Nationalist organisations in Scotland, capable of cementing an SNP MP in the constituency from 1974 until 1987, holding firm against the collapse in the party's support across the country in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The article will examine the extent to which this resistance to the national swing was facilitated by the legacies of the by‐election and the extent to which its wider footprint contributed towards the development of an enduring party tradition that has persisted for decades. 相似文献
188.
佛教对北朝史家历史撰述有很大影响。首先,佛教兴盛促使北朝一些史家意识到官修史书记载佛教的必要性。其次,佛教兴盛促使北朝一些史家撰述了一些专门的佛教史籍。最后,佛教影响了北朝一些史家历史撰述的体例和体裁。 相似文献
189.
在日本文学史上,有一批为法西斯军国主义侵略战争高唱赞歌、涂脂打气;为日本国民战争狂热鼓噪喧嚣、推波助澜;为天皇笔战、为天皇献身的法西斯作家——“笔部队”。他们包括长期在军队服役并直接参与作战的“军人作家”;受日本内阁情报派遣到侵华前线体验战争的“从军作家”及受报社、杂志社派遣或自愿赶赴前线的“民兵”。“笔部队”的这些作家受军国主义思想的影响,在扭曲的“大亚洲主义”和狭隘的“文学报国”思想支配下,本着“吾为君书,吾为君亡”的精神,心甘情愿地投身于侵略战争。 相似文献
190.
杨介人烈士系河南沁阳市崇义村人,1920年1月赴法国勤工俭学,成为河南第一批赴法留学生。在法国期间他写给母亲的一封书信,反映了杨介人烈士追求真理、立志救国的爱国主义思想。 相似文献