Nationalism,economic crisis and ‘realistic revolution’ in 1980s Mexico*

ABSTRACT. This article examines how the Mexican state drew upon nationalist discourse for legitimacy following the 1982 debt crisis. The analytical framework situates Mexico within the context of Latin American nationalism and explores the structural and conjunctural factors that contributed to the endurance and effectiveness of Mexican revolutionary nationalism as a hegemonic nationalist discourse. Historical commemorations during the Miguel de la Madrid administration (1982–88) are then examined to show how the state evoked nationalist motifs as it dealt with economic crisis, pressure from the USA, domestic political opposition and the implementation of neoliberal reforms. The relative effectiveness of sometimes counterintuitive appeals to nationalist legitimacy is found to be neither wholly ‘rational’ nor ‘irrational’, in this case having its basis in a history of elite and popular negotiation through the revolutionary nationalist framework, the continuity of the post‐revolutionary Partido de la Revolución Institutional (PRI) state model and the lack of a viable competing paradigm.     

La revolución minera asturiana de 1934 en Melania Jacoby,de Susana Pérez Alonso: Un conflicto individual de proyecciones universales

Susana Pérez Alonso's novel Melania Jacoby proposes two levels of meaning: on the one hand, it deals with what it means to be Asturian and its social rebelliousness, and the visible traces left in the history of the region by the Asturian revolution of 1934 as well; on the other hand, the novel can be read as a universal metaphor of two forces in conflict: the untamed Nature (represented by the sea, the fields, and the coal mines) and the efforts by men to subjugate it and put it at the service of the Asturian bourgeoisie and the incipient power of the franquists. The purpose of this article is to analyze how the figure of Melania Jacoby, a woman who transgresses the hegemonic order in terms of class and gender, acts as a point of articulation and dialogue between those conflicting forces and constitutes an “interstitial space,” a border, and a place of resistance for the marginalized people (the women, the persecuted, and the poor).     

一个值得深入反思的历史课题——国外毛泽东与"文化大革命"研究评析

毛泽东与“文化大革命”(以下简称“文革“)关系的研究是国外毛泽东研究的重要问题,这一问题的研究经历了一个由浅到深的过程。“文革”的起因、社会后果以及否定“文化大革命”与继承毛泽东思想的关系等问题,构成了国外“文革”研究的主要内容。在“文革”结束30周年之际,探讨国外关于“文革”的研究,对于我们深入反思“文革”教训、正确评价毛泽东和毛泽东思想、吸取历史教训以及坚定改革信念,无疑具有重要的现实意义。     

Cracks and the Crisis of Abstract Labour

Abstract: In this article I suggest that the key to understanding autonomies is the revolt of one form of activity against another. I relate this revolt to Marx's concept of the dual character of labour, and suggest that the rise of autonomist politics should be understood as an expression of the crisis of abstract labour.     

辛亥风云中的留日士官生

清末留日士官生是近代社会的一个特殊群体,辛亥革命发生之际他们发挥了军事骨干的作用,从他们革命意识的形成过程、成为革命勇士的客观条件、走上革命道路的政治保证和及参加革命的具体经过进行考察较能反映这一命题。     

论东方文化对近代科学的影响

近代科学不是西方文明独有的产物,而是不同文明特别是东西方文明间相互融合、共同创造的成果。在历史上,古代希腊科学没能直接发展成近代科学,而东方文化对西方科学中过度的理性主义传统却起到了纠偏、涵化和升华的作用,对其疏离价值、缺少人文关怀的“先天不足”作了适当的“培补”和“修复”。这些不仅体现在东方科学文化所给予的大量科学思想启迪中,而且表现在西方近代科学研究方法的嬗变中。没有东方文化的这种影响,近代科学（革命）是不可能发生的。     

汪精卫与辛亥革命

辛亥革命期间,汪精卫为了利用和影响袁世凯,做了一些工作,虽然取得一些结果,但反为袁世凯所利用。汪精卫力图对京津地区的革命活动进行控制,并坚持以政治手段来推翻清朝。汪精卫以双重角色参与南北议和,起了极为重要的作用,为袁世凯夺权创造了极为有利的条件,并使革命党人过快地失去革命领导权。     

中国社会主义现代化与市场化有机耦合的历史分析

中国社会主义市场经济模式的创新,不仅在于社会主义基本制度与市场经济的结合,而且还在于社会主义现代化与市场经济的有机耦合,这一结合是通过两者的互动逐步实现的。决定这一互动演变过程的主要因素是由世界新科技革命引起的中国现代化双重使命与传统计划经济体制的矛盾和冲突的发展,实现社会主义初级阶段现代化的双重使命始终成为贯穿着这一矛盾运动过程中的主导方面。世界新科技革命引发的当代中国先进生产力的发展要求,则是中国社会主义现代化与市场化日益有机耦合的最深刻的根源和纽带。两者的有机结合,使我国终于找到了一条既符合本国国情又顺应世界潮流的现代化建设道路。     

The class route to nationhood: China,Vietnam, Norway,Cyprus – and France*

ABSTRACT. This essay explores the proposition that China and Vietnam represent a fourth class route to modern nationhood, in addition to the ethnic (German), civic (French) and plural (American) routes. Nation‐states emerging along the class route are characterised by an exclusive membership based on social class rather than just ethnicity, living under the same laws or participation in liberation from foreign rule. The essay compares China's and Vietnam's class‐based nationalism with the more inclusive labour movement nationalisms of Norway and Cyprus. Then it explains how the class route differs from the French civic route. In the conclusion, the author concedes that the Chinese and Vietnamese class route is perhaps a detour rather than a route of its own, since it leads to inevitable tension between the divisive history of how the nation was formed and the need of its later leaders to include and represent the same social classes that were originally excluded. These leaders and their national storytellers are forced to undertake a redefinition of the national self as ethnic, civic and/or plural in an attempt to recreate national legitimacy, often in competition with more radically nationalist opposition groups.