The Law of Nations and Declarations of War after the Peace of Utrecht

The history of the law of nations is generally seen as a synonym for the history of the laws of war. Yet, a strictly bilateral perspective can distort our interpretation of early modern diplomacy. The Peace of Utrecht (11 April 1713) inaugurated an era of relative stability in the European state system, based on balance-of-power politics and anti-hegemonic legal argumentation. Incidental conflicts ought to be interpreted against this background. Declarations of war issued in 1718, 1719 and 1733 during the War of the Quadruple Alliance and the Polish Succession should not be read as doctrinal surrogates for trials between two parties, but as manifestos in a European arena.     

Infinite conditions on the road to peace: the second New Labour government’s foreign policy approach to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict after 9/11

This article examines how a resurgent clash of Arab and Israeli nationalisms created tensions within New Labour as the leadership sought to reconcile claims of duplicity in its Middle East policy after 9/11 while retaining party unity and an international consensus for a war in Afghanistan. It argues that as European and international pressure to prioritise Middle East peace before pursuing a war with Iraq increased, Tony Blair’s emphasis on economic progress as a prerequisite to creating a state of Palestine was expanded to determine that Palestinian national rights also be considered on the evidence of fundamental reform and modernisation across the spectrum of political, civil and cultural life. These objectives, however, were not to be achieved following the deployment of a UN peace-keeping force, but the prevailing conditions of the Israeli occupation, provisos later inscribed in the US-led goal-driven, performance-based Road Map for Peace. This focus ran in parallel with his assumed role as a transatlantic ‘bridge’, and collectively helped to transform the multilateralist template of the Quartet into a classic trilateralist negotiating model—bilateral Arab-Israel talks, unilaterally overseen by the US—enacting the further exclusion of key European partners.     

Troublemaker or peacemaker? Andreas Papandreou,the Euromissile Crisis,and the policy of peace, 1981–86

The article sheds light on a neglected piece of the Euromissile Crisis puzzle, namely Greece’s policy of peace. The article examines the interaction of Andreas Papandreou’s socialist government’s foreign policy, developments in the country’s political culture and national frames of reference, and the unfolding drama of the nuclear crisis of the 1980s. While subscribing to an international cause, papandreou framed the policy of peace in ardent nationalist terms that involved renegotiation of the american bases on greek soil, relations with nato, balkan regional schemes for nuclear-weapons-free zones, and international initiatives with the third world.     

论中英两国政府处理林维喜事件的手法与态度

鸦片战争前夕 ,英国水手在中国领土上殴毙林维喜。对此 ,林则徐根据国际法准则要求英方交出凶犯 ,据理力争 ,有理有节。而义律作为英国驻华的高级官员 ,其所作所为 ,背离国际法原则 ,藐视中国法律尊严 ,也使英国声誉受到严重损害。义律在林维喜命案中设立的法庭与所进行的审讯是非法的 ,他的裁决当然也是无效的。     

万里长城的地理界线意义

长城,不仅是中华民族古老文化的象征,而且是一条实际存在的重要地理界线。历代长城的布设都是以自然地理环境为基础,其走向与我国半湿润与干旱气候分界线基本一致。因此,长城也就成为我国农区和牧区分界线的标志。长城的延伸或回退,基本上反映了农区与牧区的扩张或收缩。从政治地理的角度来考察长城。可以认为,它是我国历史上各民族政治力量相互对峙、较量形成的"力"的平衡带,长城,一方面发挥了分隔两个政治单元的功能,它们延伸或收缩在一定程度上反映了两种力量对比的变化;另一方面,在先进与落后两种势力的对撞中.客观上却促进了相互间经济和文化的交流,促进了不同民族的融合。今日长城作为领土扩张和防御的军事设施作用已不复存在。但是长城在地理上的许多界限指标意义仍然存在,它依然是许多地理事物的敏感地区。     

国联和平解决国际争端机制研究

一战期间,欧美相关政治力量在通过建立国际联盟(以下简称国联)和平解决国际争端维护世界和平上,达成共识并进行了相关的筹划。一战后召开巴黎和会,协约国在借鉴一战期间关于国联各种构想的基础上,建立了国联及其和平解决国际争端机制。但该机制并没有从根本上改变以往国际政治的结构,加之在自身设计上存在很多漏洞,使得国联和平解决国际争端机制在调处一战后国际争端中所发挥的作用有限。     

关于文物古迹价值评估的几点认识

本文通过对文物古迹价值及价值评估理念的研究,结合我国目前文物保护实践中价值评估存在的认识误区,深入思考了建立一套以价值评估为核心内容的,保存与延续文物古迹全部价值为导向的工作方法,希望能作为《中国文物古迹保护准则》的补充和完善,以指导我们的文物保护工作。     

British Diplomatic Attitudes towards Europe, 1801–4Ignorant and Indifferent?

Recent decades have seen a rehabilitation of the reputation of Henry Addington's and Lord Hawkesbury's foreign policy during the course of the former's government, 1801–4. Nevertheless, the existing historiography has done little to place their actions in the wider context of British foreign policy in the early nineteenth century, nor to assess them in light of the debate around the arguments of Paul W. Schroeder's systemic theories and his attacks on eighteenth-century balance-of-power politics. This article argues that Schroeder's theories need qualifying in relation to this period and shall demonstrate that Addington and Hawkesbury conducted a logical, consistent, and Euro-centric balance-of-power policy, and one rooted in rules and assumptions governing their conduct, rather than a pell-mell free-for-all diplomatic system. It furthermore raises questions as to the continuity in British foreign policy and the need for additional research in this area.     

The Strategic Significance of Workforce Diversity in Museums

This paper considers increasing international interest, both academic and professional, in the implications and strategic significance of workforce diversity. Drawing on research that has been undertaken principally within the field of human resource management, as well as the experiences of museum sectors internationally, the paper explores the rationale behind, and potential efficacy of, recent initiatives to enhance cultural diversity within the UK museum sector through an approach characterised by the use of positive or affirmative action. It is argued that workforce diversity will become increasingly important to the sector as, in response to changing socio-political agendas, museums are required to assume new roles as agents of social inclusion. The paper concludes by broadening the concept of ?diversity management' (which has emerged from the field of human resource management) to take account of the museum's unique goals and functions and presents a conceptual framework within which the dynamic interrelationships between diversity within a museum's workforce, audiences and programmes can be considered.