Troublemaker or peacemaker? Andreas Papandreou,the Euromissile Crisis,and the policy of peace, 1981–86

The article sheds light on a neglected piece of the Euromissile Crisis puzzle, namely Greece’s policy of peace. The article examines the interaction of Andreas Papandreou’s socialist government’s foreign policy, developments in the country’s political culture and national frames of reference, and the unfolding drama of the nuclear crisis of the 1980s. While subscribing to an international cause, papandreou framed the policy of peace in ardent nationalist terms that involved renegotiation of the american bases on greek soil, relations with nato, balkan regional schemes for nuclear-weapons-free zones, and international initiatives with the third world.     

Infinite conditions on the road to peace: the second New Labour government’s foreign policy approach to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict after 9/11

This article examines how a resurgent clash of Arab and Israeli nationalisms created tensions within New Labour as the leadership sought to reconcile claims of duplicity in its Middle East policy after 9/11 while retaining party unity and an international consensus for a war in Afghanistan. It argues that as European and international pressure to prioritise Middle East peace before pursuing a war with Iraq increased, Tony Blair’s emphasis on economic progress as a prerequisite to creating a state of Palestine was expanded to determine that Palestinian national rights also be considered on the evidence of fundamental reform and modernisation across the spectrum of political, civil and cultural life. These objectives, however, were not to be achieved following the deployment of a UN peace-keeping force, but the prevailing conditions of the Israeli occupation, provisos later inscribed in the US-led goal-driven, performance-based Road Map for Peace. This focus ran in parallel with his assumed role as a transatlantic ‘bridge’, and collectively helped to transform the multilateralist template of the Quartet into a classic trilateralist negotiating model—bilateral Arab-Israel talks, unilaterally overseen by the US—enacting the further exclusion of key European partners.     

‘We are not a rich country to waste our resources on expensive toys’: Mexico’s version of Atoms for Peace

Abstract

The Atoms for Peace initiative was announced by U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower in his speech to the United Nations General Assembly on 8 December 1953. The ways in which Eisenhower’s proposal was interpreted, adapted and reshaped by different countries allows us to understand the various meanings and uses of nuclear technologies, particularly in Third World countries. Mexico’s version of the initiative was related to its modernizing nationalism, a distaste for overt geopolitical alignment and nuclear weapons, and an intermittent commitment of the federal government with nuclear technologies. These ingredients eventually led to the promotion of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, known as the Treaty of Tlatelolco (TT) signed in Mexico City in 1967. The TT made Latin America the first nuclear weapons-free populated region in the world, thus positioning Mexico in the new geopolitical nuclear order through a denuclearization discourse and a policy of non-engagement with nuclear technologies.     

从期望到失望:1948年北平“七五”事件再探讨

1948年之北平"七五事件",是中国近代学生运动史上独特的一页。它深刻反映了学生对国民党政府从期望到失望的心理变化。1948年上半年,国民党军队在东北战场节节败退,东北地区政治、经济、军事形势混乱,大量东北学生迁往平、津两地,国民党政府也宣称在平津成立了临时大学、临时中学。然而,由于经费、校址等原因,国民党政府所宣称成立的临大、临中不过是空中楼阁,学生入关"要读书,要生存"的期望落空,由此引发了北平"七五"事件。然而,国民党政府把该事件当做学生政潮来处理,措置失当。经过北平"七五"事件,最后那些尚对国民党政府抱有期望的知识分子和学生对其失望,政治态度转向共产党一方,投入到解放事业中去。     

Is Bosnia-Herzegovina Unsustainable? Implications for the Balkans and European Union

Two U.S.-based political geographers survey the current state of affairs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), characterized by increasing political tensions between its two constituent entities—the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Republika Srpska (RS). The authors examine ways in which recurrent calls for a referendum on RS's self-determination/independence (from BiH) have charged the political atmosphere in both entities, delayed the formation of a central government in the aftermath of inter-entity elections in October 2010, and thus precipitated claims of BiH's unsustainability. In a concluding section, they explore the broader implications of renewed conflict and territorial fragmentation in BiH, which include the mobilization of seccessionist movements (and possible ethnic cleansing) in other contested regions in the Balkans and the former USSR and the possibility of renewed EU/NATO military engagement, with the attendant risks involving the EU's relations with Russia and member states of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 1 figure, 2 tables, 38 references.     

Defining Heritage Values and Significance for Improved Resource Management: an application to Australian tourism

The values and significance of heritage resources are often acknowledged but not integrated into the management process. This paper presents a framework for explicitly identifying these resource qualities and applying them to site management. It defines values in terms of a resource's intrinsic (objectively measurable) and extrinsic (largely subjectively measurable) qualities. The derivative assessment of significance then creates direction for decision making where conservation takes precedence over resource exploitation and renewable resource exploitation takes precedence over the exploitation of non-renewable resources. The framework, developed from a study of World Heritage values of the Great Sandy Region, Australia, provides a basis for achieving agreement between resource owners/managers and resource users on the nature of permissible activities using valued resources.     

试论知识分子在和平解决西安事变中的作用

西安事变爆发后,民国知识分子纷纷发表社论和声明,几乎不约而同地谴责张杨的行为,并要求立即释放蒋介石,和平解决西安事变,这在很大程度上引导了当时的舆论和民意走向,从社会层面上给张杨施加了巨大压力。民意的导向直接影响了参与谈判的各政治组织和政治团体,从客观上为西安事变的和平解决创造了条件。     

The New Frontier Meets the White Revolution: The Peace Corps in Iran, 1962‒76

The Peace Corps brought an estimated 1,800 Americans to Iran from 1962 to 1976, coinciding with the unfolding of Mohammad-Reza Shah Pahlavi’s Enqelāb-e Sefid, or White Revolution. This article surveys Peace Corps Iran’s fourteen-year history by dividing it into three distinct moments defined by changing social and political conditions in Iran and shifting US?Iranian relations. Initially, the Peace Corps Iran experiment built on earlier American foreign assistance programs, while coinciding with the roll-out of the White Revolution. Second, during its heyday in the mid-1960s, the Peace Corps inevitably became entangled with the White Revolution’s unfolding, both experiencing a phase of expansion and apparent success. Finally, as Iranian social and political conditions moved toward instability by the 1970s, Peace Corps Iran also seemed to have lost its direction and purpose, which ultimately led to a vote by volunteers to terminate the program. Based on accounts by US Peace Corps volunteers and the Iranians with whom they worked, the Peace Corps Agency, and the US State Department, this article argues that, ultimately, the Peace Corps Iran experience left a more lasting legacy on individuals than institutions.     

The Law of Nations and Declarations of War after the Peace of Utrecht

The history of the law of nations is generally seen as a synonym for the history of the laws of war. Yet, a strictly bilateral perspective can distort our interpretation of early modern diplomacy. The Peace of Utrecht (11 April 1713) inaugurated an era of relative stability in the European state system, based on balance-of-power politics and anti-hegemonic legal argumentation. Incidental conflicts ought to be interpreted against this background. Declarations of war issued in 1718, 1719 and 1733 during the War of the Quadruple Alliance and the Polish Succession should not be read as doctrinal surrogates for trials between two parties, but as manifestos in a European arena.     

克洛马事件与台湾当局的应对

1939年,日本侵占南沙群岛,改名为新南群岛,划归台湾总督府管辖。1946年12月12日,中国军队登陆太平岛,竖立界碑,重申对南沙群岛的主权。1950年,台湾当局自太平岛撤出军队。1951年,《旧金山和约》签署,规定"日本放弃对南沙群岛及西沙群岛之一切权利、权利根据与要求"。这改变不了南沙群岛、西沙群岛属于中国领土一部分的事实。1956年,菲律宾商人克洛马代表"人道王国",占据了南沙群岛的几座岛礁。其属于个人行为,不具有官方身份。台湾当局立即要求菲律宾政府承认南沙群岛属于中国领土,制止克洛马的非法行为。同时,台湾当局派海军巡航南沙群岛,在太平岛驻军,劝离克洛马探险队,来巩固对南沙群岛的司法管辖权。美国政府要求台湾当局通过和平谈判,避免流血冲突。不甘心失败,克洛马拟要求联合国仲裁南沙群岛争端。