论九一八后行政院的机构调整与改革(1932-1937)

九一八事变后,国民政府行政院为应对危机,在内部动力与外在压力之下进行了机构调整与改革。主要内容是机构调整与人员裁并,目标是提高行政效能,树立政府威信。行政院的机构调整与改革具有延续性,以谋求稳定的政治局面为取向。在派系矛盾严重的政治环境中,这一时期的行政院机构调整与改革未能深入进行,但为抗战时期的机构改革建立了一定基础。     

The Double Legacy of Bernalism in Science Diplomacy

Recent debates in the history of science aimed at reconstructing the history of scientific diplomacy have privileged the analysis of forms of diplomacy coming from above. Instead, the objective of this paper is to raise awareness of these debates by looking at attempts at scientific diplomacy from below. Such a shift in perspective might allow us to observe the impact of marginalized social agents on the construction of international diplomatic choices. This article particularly focuses attention on how the legacy of Bernalism has fostered the emergence of two different types of science diplomacy. On the one hand, Bernalism has influenced the goals of organizations such as UNESCO and the World Peace Council, which are forms of science diplomacy I would term from above. On the other hand, Bernalism has also been at the origin of radical scientific movements that I propose to interpret as forms of scientific diplomacy from below. These have, in fact, played a cardinal role not only in raising public awareness of the social and political roles of science, but also in the more direct participation of scientists in defining the political objectives of their research activity. From this point of view, I analyze how an association like the World Federation of Scientific Workers proposed (at least in the beginning) greater democratic participation than the top-down structures of other forms of scientific internationalism.     

Planting Peace: The Greater London Council and the Community Gardens of Central London

‘Peace’ has not lent itself easily to emblematic or mnemonic forms of representation. In Europe’s furnished urban landscapes of the 19th century peace was often personified in female allegorical form. She can be seen in many of the sculpted memorials that commemorate distant battles fought on the edges of Empire. Invariably, however, the figure of ‘Peace’ had a more modest role in the allegory of commemoration than that of ‘Victory’ or ‘Triumph’. As an ideal, peace and pacifism is more often regarded as a process, a long‐term goal that cannot be captured in single static form. To this end, the promotion of peace has most often been realised through intervention, occupation, and fluid, temporal forms such as campaigns, marches, songs, dances and other extended programmes. Peace has also been promoted through slow, evolutionary forms such as designed landscapes, parks and gardens. Drawing on international parallels, this paper examines in detail two community gardens in central London. Each owes its origins to radical local agendas set within the political climate of the Cold War of the 1980s, but both were born out of grand visions for world peace, multilateral disarmament, and global accord. Twenty years after their creation, the author explores their current condition and examines their value as sites of political value and heritage.     

北宋御辽战略的演变与"澶渊之盟"的产生及影响

北宋初确定了通过北伐收复燕云地区,以扭转被动局面的御辽战略思想。宋太宗在两次北伐失败后,放弃以往的主动战略,转而实施全面防御的部署。宋真宗朝继承了“守内虚外”的思想,因此最终与辽达成“澶渊之盟”。“澶渊之盟”的订立,固然维持了长期的北部和平局面,但却给宋朝的国防战略带来了极大的消极影响,使宋廷过分依赖议和的手段,轻视了武备建设,从而令边防陷入长期被动挨打的境地。     

Poland in the ‘Paris system’: self‐determination,stereotypes, and decisions in 1919

One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement.     

《旧金山对日和约》再研究--关于其对西沙群岛、南沙群岛的处理及后果

西沙群岛、南沙群岛主权本属中国,第二次世界大战期间被日本占领,日本战败后理应由中国收回,但1951年美国起草和主导签署的<旧金山对日和约>只表明日本放弃这些岛礁,未明确主权归属问题,为的是防止中国(大陆)从<对日和约>中得出对中国主权有利的结论来.<对日和约>如此处理主权问题为日后两群岛"主权未定"论埋下了祸根.     

论"九·一八"事变对关内移民东北的影响

1931年爆发的"九·一八"事变,给民国以来关内人民的"闯关东"运动带来了深刻影响.它一方面使关内人民出关受阻,移民数量骤减,中断了正常的移民进程;另一方面,也是更为主要的,它使"九·一八"事变后关内与东北间人口的迁移与流动发生了根本变化,完全被纳入了日本侵略者的战争轨道,其发展随着日本侵华政策的变化而变化.     

论中古西欧“上帝的和平”运动

10世纪末由基督教会在西欧大陆发起的“上帝的和平”运动是当时的政治、经济和宗教等原因共同促成的。它包括“上帝的和平”和“上帝的休战”两个阶段 ,主要通过举行和平集会等活动 ,力求限制贵族的私战和骑士的暴力行为 ,从而保护社会各阶层免受其害。这一运动使西欧的社会秩序有所好转 ,有利于西欧的经济复兴。它提高了教会的权威 ,促进了西欧骑士制度的形成 ,产生了划分三个等级的社会理论 ,并为十字军东侵创造了条件     

Localising the Australian National Action Plan on Women,Peace and Security: a matter of justice

In the bid for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, the Australian government emphasised international peace and security and Indigenous peoples as two of the eight key elements supporting its nomination. Australia's positive track record in support of the UN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the delivery of an Australian National Action Plan (NAP) along with recognition of historical injustices to Indigenous Australians, was highlighted as a valid and important argument in favour of its nomination. The Australian NAP, however, has all but ignored the local context in its development and application, focusing instead on its commitments abroad. This framing of the Australian NAP is informed, firstly, by the WPS agenda policy framework applying to conflict and post-conflict situations, and, secondly, by its location within the UN mandate, requiring those situations to be internationally recognised. This article applies Nancy Fraser's tripartite justice framework to reveal that the Australian NAP gives rise to the political injustice of ‘misrepresentation’ in relation to intra-state (violent), domestically situated Indigenous–settler relations, which are denied the status of ongoing internationally recognised conflict. The author suggests that the remedy to this injustice is to reframe and recognise the conflict status of Indigenous–settler relations in the localisation of the Australian NAP. This localisation creates openings for Indigenous Australian women to engage with the WPS agenda in meaningful ways.