中国经济转轨时期民营企业信用缺失的诱因与治理

信用是企业生存和发展的基础,是规范市场秩序的根本保障一在我国经济转轨时期成长、壮大起来的民营企业,信用缺失成为其发展的最大障碍。民营企业的失信行为不仅与“道德”有关,更是制度缺失导致的结果：关注民营企业,充分认识信用缺失的诱因并加以治理,对民营企业乃至市场经济的发展具有战略意义。     

抗日战争时期日本在台湾的公债政策研究

抗战时期日本在中国台湾发行了大量的公债,并利用金融机构进行吸纳,从而制约了台湾经济的发展,掠夺台湾人民,并将台湾经济纳入日本战时经济体系之中。     

《古本竹书纪年》西周年代的五个时段及年数推求

本文根据《古本竹书纪年》佚文并参考其他可靠资料,推求《古本》所记西周年代的５个时段的年限,即：１．文王受命一武王伐商１８或２０年,２．武王克商一昭王８０或８２年,３．穆王恭王６６或６４年,４．■王一厉王５８年,５．共和以后７１年,以及未知王年诸王的大概年限,为进一步研究确定西周诸王王年提供了一个参考系。同时据鲁公年数加以参证,并对《史记·周本纪》所记厉王王年提出质疑,将《古本竹书纪年》与《今本竹书纪年》所记的西周王年加以比较。     

耿淡如与中国的西方史学史研究

耿淡如先生是现代中国历史学家 ,新中国成立后 ,以治世界中世纪史名闻史坛 ,晚年又致力于西方史学史的教学与研究工作。他培养本专业的研究生、主编《外国史学史》、译介诸多的外国史学名著 ,撰写学术论文 ,是中国的西方史学史学科建设的先行者与奠基者。他关于历史研究的求真精神、史学史的基本概念、西方史学的新陈代谢、学术批判的工作原则、标本与模型兼备的研究方法等许多真知灼见 ,都是可供后人借鉴的思想遗产 ,也是他对西方史学史研究的具体贡献     

中日邦交正常化与台湾问题

台湾问题是影响战后中日邦交正常化的主要障碍 ,中国政府提出了对日政治三原则 ,为后来中日复交三原则的产生奠定了基础 ,并采取了原则的坚定性和策略的灵活性相结合的方针。与此同时 ,日本朝野有识之士也为消除这一障碍付出了不懈的努力     

利簋所见右史考

利簋器主人身份为"又事",对此"又事"学界历来看法不一。本文结合甲骨金文及文献材料,考证此"又事"为"右史"。并根据简帛等资料考证"右史"为军中之史。利簋铭文中"岁鼎"体现了右史的司天之职。     

Avorio d'ogni ragione: the supply of elephant ivory to northern Europe in the Gothic era

This article accounts for the hitherto unexplained increase in the availability of ivory in mid-thirteenth-century France through an alteration in the medieval trade routes that brought elephant tusks from Africa to northern Europe. A newly-opened passage through the Straits of Gibraltar allowed a small amount of luxury goods to be shipped together with bulk materials necessary to the flourishing textile industries of northern Europe.     

Benevolent hegemon,neighborhood bully,or regional security provider? Russia’s efforts to promote regional integration after the 2013–2014 Ukraine crisis

Russia has tried to use economic incentives and shared historical and cultural legacies to entice post-Soviet states to join its regional integration efforts. The Ukraine crisis exposed the weaknesses of this strategy, forcing Russia to fall back on coercive means to keep Kiev from moving closer to the West. Having realized the limits of its economic and soft power, will Russia now try to coerce post-Soviet states back into its sphere of influence? Fears of such an outcome overestimate Russia’s ability to use coercion and underestimate post-Soviet states capacity to resist. Rather than emerging as a regional bully, Russia is trying to push Eurasian integration forward by becoming a regional security provider. The article relates these efforts to the larger literature on regional integration and security hierarchies – bridging the two bodies of theory by arguing that regional leaders can use the provision of security to promote economic integration. Despite initial signs of success, we believe that the new strategy will ultimately fail. Eurasian integration will continue to stagnate as long as Russia’s economic and soft power remain weak because Russia will be unable to address the economic and social problems that are at the root of the region’s security problems.     

The significance of subtle ways: navigating femininities in high schools of Taiwan

Children’s geographers have contributed to the theorisation of school space as a ‘geographical accomplishment’. The crucial role of school space in (re)producing social identities such as gender in the Global North has been discussed. However, empirical research which explores young femininities in East Asia is scant. This paper demonstrates that the contestation of femininities in high schools of Taiwan is manifested in subtle ways. This research examines qualitatively the forms of contested femininities, the significance of peer culture, and the flexible nature of school space. The analysis demonstrates that singular understanding of the spatiality of school cannot fully explain the complicated web of entwined micro spaces involved in the shaping of young femininities. In conclusion, this research highlights the dynamics between school space and young femininities, and emphasises the value of studying East Asians’ contextualised experiences for better understanding of young femininities.     

Democracy and national destinies on Taiwan

In the case of Taiwan, experts have debated whether passionate national loyalties (Taiwanese or Chinese) facilitated or stymied democratization. This paper argues that nationalism facilitated political change in Taiwan. In fact, democratization during the 1980s and the 1990s was spurred in part by the pursuit of two conflicting national destinies. The Chinese Nationalist Party legitimized reform as the end of a century‐long process for the reconstruction of the Chinese nation. To many Nationalists, particularly those born on the mainland, Taiwan was the fulfilment of Sun Yat‐sen's vision of China known as the Three Principles of the People. At the same time, many opponents of the regime saw successful reform as one step towards the realization of a Taiwanese nation. Dominated by those who identified themselves as Taiwanese, generally those of Chinese descent whose ancestors had lived on Taiwan prior to 1945, these activists hoped to take power through the ballot box, then implement a series of policies to strengthen an island‐wide identity.