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71.
72.
近年发掘的北赵晋国墓地为研究西周考古、历史等提供了极其宝贵的资料。该墓地中出土的大量铜器,引起了专家学者的广泛关注,研究成果涵盖很多方面,但仍有若干问题悬而未决,北赵墓地中墓主身份问题 相似文献
73.
禁酒妇女及其组织基督教妇女禁酒联合会(Woman’s Christian Temperance Union,WCTU)是19世纪美国改革年代及妇女运动蓬勃发展年代的产物。它承继前一个年代禁酒浪潮,将禁酒再一次推向高潮。然而,禁酒并不是她们惟一的活动和目标,其影响也绝不仅仅局限于此,而是直指整个社会生活的方方面面。由此,它产生了广泛的社会影响。这种种影响都最终对妇女本身产生了不可磨灭的影响,对妇女运动的进展起到有力的推动作用。 相似文献
74.
曹书杰 《古籍整理研究学刊》2002,(2):33-39
本文根据《古本竹书纪年》佚文并参考其他可靠资料,推求《古本》所记西周年代的5个时段的年限,即:1.文王受命一武王伐商18或20年,2.武王克商一昭王80或82年,3.穆王恭王66或64年,4.■王一厉王58年,5.共和以后71年,以及未知王年诸王的大概年限,为进一步研究确定西周诸王王年提供了一个参考系。同时据鲁公年数加以参证,并对《史记·周本纪》所记厉王王年提出质疑,将《古本竹书纪年》与《今本竹书纪年》所记的西周王年加以比较。 相似文献
75.
耿淡如先生是现代中国历史学家 ,新中国成立后 ,以治世界中世纪史名闻史坛 ,晚年又致力于西方史学史的教学与研究工作。他培养本专业的研究生、主编《外国史学史》、译介诸多的外国史学名著 ,撰写学术论文 ,是中国的西方史学史学科建设的先行者与奠基者。他关于历史研究的求真精神、史学史的基本概念、西方史学的新陈代谢、学术批判的工作原则、标本与模型兼备的研究方法等许多真知灼见 ,都是可供后人借鉴的思想遗产 ,也是他对西方史学史研究的具体贡献 相似文献
76.
Pedro Luengo 《Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography》2017,69(1):85-98
The idea of cartography as an example of Western imposition or process of cultural transfer is one that has long fascinated scholars interested in the margins of empires. This article analyses the maps in the possession of Manuel Agote, a Spanish factor in Canton at the end of the eighteenth century. The focus is on the use made by Agote of a Chinese map of Hainan, together with the European maps available already in China for commercial interests, and the way this reflects the cultural dialogue that was operating among local and foreign cartographers engaged in similar European mapping activities in the region. 相似文献
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78.
The Soviet-sponsored World Festival of Youth and Students brought an exceptional number of US citizens to Helsinki in the summer of 1962. The event was made important by the fact that it took place in neutral territory. Furthermore, this event briefly made Helsinki a centre of extensive Cold War operations. This article examines the background and impact of this festival in the larger context of the Cold War and international relations. The timing of the festival is especially intriguing, between two major Cold War confrontations, the Berlin crisis of 1961 and the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962. However, instead of being an open conflict between warring parties, the festival reminds us of other conflicts of the cultural Cold War: it was waged through front organizations. Both the KGB and CIA were involved behind the scenes deploying their representatives and trying to impact the Finns' – but also the other festival delegates' – thinking, and win them over to their respective causes. This article exploits both Finnish and American archival sources, mostly intelligence reports from the festival. Apart from the festival in Helsinki, therefore, this article illustrates the way in which Finland was subjected to political and cultural influencing by the superpowers during the height of the Cold War. 相似文献
79.
Lilian Richieri Hanania 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(5):568-581
ABSTRACTThe article examines how the European Union has addressed the ‘trade and culture debate’ in its international trade agreements. From a cultural exception approach based on an attempt to detach culture from trade provisions, the European Union economic agreements seem to evolve to a broader and more holistic position aiming to promote cultural exchanges through cooperation, while still safeguarding policy space in cultural matters through its traditional cultural exception. The article provides an overview of the European positions to defend the specificity of the audio-visual services sector at the multilateral (World Trade Organization Agreements), regional and bilateral levels. It also examines how the implementation of the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions has led the European Union to negotiate cultural cooperation provisions in parallel to some of its recent bilateral and regional trade agreements and the way this Convention may impact the understanding of the ‘trade and culture debate’. 相似文献
80.
Russia has tried to use economic incentives and shared historical and cultural legacies to entice post-Soviet states to join its regional integration efforts. The Ukraine crisis exposed the weaknesses of this strategy, forcing Russia to fall back on coercive means to keep Kiev from moving closer to the West. Having realized the limits of its economic and soft power, will Russia now try to coerce post-Soviet states back into its sphere of influence? Fears of such an outcome overestimate Russia’s ability to use coercion and underestimate post-Soviet states capacity to resist. Rather than emerging as a regional bully, Russia is trying to push Eurasian integration forward by becoming a regional security provider. The article relates these efforts to the larger literature on regional integration and security hierarchies – bridging the two bodies of theory by arguing that regional leaders can use the provision of security to promote economic integration. Despite initial signs of success, we believe that the new strategy will ultimately fail. Eurasian integration will continue to stagnate as long as Russia’s economic and soft power remain weak because Russia will be unable to address the economic and social problems that are at the root of the region’s security problems. 相似文献