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51.
华工联合会原名中华旅俄联合会,1917年由在俄学习的中国留学生发起成立。成立以后,华工联合会对第一次世界大战时期进入俄国的华工提供了大量帮助。1918年底,华工联合会转变为“无产主义者组织”,它积极对在俄华工进行革命宣传,建立起与中国境内革命组织之间的联系,促进了中国革命事业的发展。此外,华工联合会还促成中国政府与苏维埃俄国之间进行对话,在俄中两国的外交活动中发挥了重要的作用。本文依据大量史料,追溯了旅俄华工联合会在救援、革命和外交等方面做出的卓越贡献,对华工联合会这一以往较少引人注意的华侨组织进行了深入的探讨与研究。  相似文献   
52.
10世纪前的中国西北边疆经历了开拓、稳定和演变等过程,构成了一个相对完整的发展阶段,边疆发展的各种形态与主要特点尽皆呈现。南农北牧既是西北边疆的基本经济形态,也是历史上中原农业王朝与北方游牧民族角逐态势延伸的主要依据;在作为边疆主体的中原或内地王朝、客体的西域地区和旁体的北方游牧民族等三个主要因素的共同作用下,西北边疆的政治地理范围时有伸缩,而多种统治体制并存、边疆问题与民族问题一体化等特点也贯穿于这一时期西北边疆发展的整个过程。  相似文献   
53.
马克思、恩格斯文明理论与中国"早期文明"   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在中国文明发展史上,夏、商、西周文明是一个特殊阶段,这个阶段的文明,从国家形态的角度看,与西方文明具有明显的不同。  相似文献   
54.
蒋经国留学苏联述论   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张泽宇 《史学月刊》2006,45(4):67-71
蒋经国在留学苏联期间,受到苏共和斯大林的重视,被吸收为苏共党员并送入高级军事院校深造,其命运随中国革命形势和中苏关系的变化而动荡起伏,他留苏12载,深入苏联政治和社会生活,历经肃托、农业集体化、肃反等各种运动,目睹苏联的种种弊端,对苏联从向往到怀疑,最终彻底背离。苏联通过蒋经国影响蒋介石,使中苏关系形成有利于苏联态势的期冀最终没有实现。  相似文献   
55.
本文对《平定苗疆战图》的创作背景、题材选择、艺术水平及乾隆与组画的关系等进行了探讨与评述,对组画作了重新定名,并重新标记了各幅的画题,调整了其排列顺序,对各图作了详细介绍。文章最后阐述了清中期铜版战图创作的若干特色。  相似文献   
56.
西方传教士来华后,科举制度就成了他们关注的焦点。传教士对科举制度的审视,进一步暴露了科举制度的内在弊端,增强了科举改革的紧迫性;传教士对科举改革的设想,丰富了科举改革的思想,指明了科举改革的方向;传教士的宣传活动,促进了国人思想观念的解放,推动了科举改革的进程。然而,传教士毕竟不是科举改革的主角,其作用与影响终究是有限的。  相似文献   
57.
The establishment of the Yan state by the Zhou court during late eleventh century BCE had fulfilled the attempt by the dynastic power to colonize and control the local population of northern Hebei. The Yan and the two local groups, one active in the Yan mountainous region and the other in the Jing, Jin, and Tang area, developed a cooperative relationship during the early Western Zhou period. The cooperation between Yan and local elites was mutually beneficial. While local elite culture was heavily influenced by that of the Shang and Zhou, local traditions continued to be present.  相似文献   
58.
A noted American geographer surveys the spatial distribution and growth (between 2000 and 2008) of Internet users in the 15 countries of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia, and Afghanistan (Eurasia). A major focus is exploration of the correlations between rapidly increasing penetration rates in the region and hypothesized drivers of Internet growth worldwide (such as income, literacy, and telephone access). The author proceeds to examine various forms of Internet censorship practiced in Eurasia, which exhibit different degrees of severity and types depending on the country in question. A third section of the paper assesses the potentially transformative role of electronic commerce and governance among the region's states, including types of applications and the obstacles that this phenomenon confronts. A concluding section includes penetrating observations on the implications of continued expansion of Internet use on commerce, information access, and civil society in the region.  相似文献   
59.
An American geographer with extensive field and research experience in Southeast Europe examines the implications of "enlargement fatigue" for Southeast European states aspiring to EU accession. He argues that progress toward EU enlargement into Southeast Europe and further integration through the EU Constitution is no longer restricted to internal (intra-EU) dynamics of widening and deepening, but rather must be complemented by an "external dynamic" involving a coherent EU foreign policy. This "external dynamic" would focus on promoting peace and stability on EU borders and quelling the external factors contributing to popular dissent within EU against expansion and integration. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F02, O15, O18, O19. 1 figure, 41 references.  相似文献   
60.
Two U.S. political geographers examine a range of geopolitical issues associated with the shifting sovereignty of Russia's Kaliningrad Oblast (a part of the former German province of East Prussia) during the 20th century, as well as the region's evolving geopolitical status as a consequence of the European Union's enlargement to embrace Poland and Lithuania. They argue that Kaliningrad today can be considered a "double" borderland, situated simultaneously on the European Union's border with Russia as well as physically separated from Russia, its home country, by the surrounding land boundaries of EU states. Although technically neither an exclave nor an enclave, they posit that in many ways it resembles both, and as such presents a unique set of problems for economic development and interstate relations.  相似文献   
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