论罗唐战争的性质及其双方的交往

本文利用中韩现存史料以及新发现的金石墓志资料,探讨了罗唐战争期间(669—676)、战后双方的交往,交往的性质,中韩学界对其的评议等问题。认为战争的终结是在新罗积极抵抗,唐朝军事目标转移及罗唐双方通过交涉前提下达成的一种妥协,应该说双方没有严格意义上的胜者或败者,但双方都达到了预期的目的。     

论抗美援朝战争的国内宣传工作

抗美援朝战争期间,我国对反对美国侵略、保卫和平及抗美援朝必要性进行了广泛宣传,后来随着形势发展转变为对支援抗美援朝战争和争取战争胜利进行的宣传。这一时期我国国内宣传工作的特点是:建立覆盖党内党外和城市乡村的宣传网;用社论和时评指导运动;赋予爱国主义具体、可行、人性的内涵。抗美援朝战争时期的国内宣传工作不仅进行了成功的经济建设动员和战争动员,也成功地诠释了民族精神和马克思主义思想意识,掀起了建国后第一次爱国主义高潮,不仅帮助中国取得了抗美援朝战争的伟大胜利,而且稳固了新政权,保证了各项社会改革、经济重建工作的顺利进行,极大地提高了民族自信心和凝聚力。     

抗日战争时期旅日中国留学生的救亡活动

抗日战争是一场中华民族的抵抗日本侵略的战争,中华民族的各个组成部分都为最后的胜利做出了自己的贡献。当时旅居于日本的中国留学生与中国国内的各界民众一样,曾以旺盛的民族精神,积极投身于创办反战报刊、搜集日军情报、发展抵抗组织等爱国抗日活动,这些活动成为以国共两党为中心的抗日民族统一战线的一支重要海外策应力量。     

美苏冷战与中国内战的起因和结局——以东北为中心的考察

二战结束后,中国东北成为美苏两国与中国国共双方关注和争夺的焦点地区,并最终形成了以美国和国民党为一方,以共产党和苏联为另一方的对峙格局,导致了中国内战在东北的爆发,东北也成为美苏关系在东亚转冷的起点。在苏联的支持下,中国共产党取得了辽沈战役的胜利,奠定了中国革命胜利的基础,而国民党则逐渐丧失了美国的支持,这在外因上决定了中国内战的结局。     

2007年以来抗美援朝研究述评

<正>2007年以前关于抗美援朝战争史(或朝鲜战争史)以及抗美援朝运动研究情况的综述已有几篇①。本文仅对2007年至2010年6月有关抗美援朝的研究成果简略综述。一、研究概况2007年以来出版的有关抗美援朝战争研究的专著约有三十多部,再版书十余部,发表的相关论文上     

田山花袋《一个士兵》的疾病意义读解

《一个士兵》以日俄战争中的辽阳会战为背景,描写了一名患有脚气性心脏病的普通士兵由发病到死亡的过程。小说没有选择残酷的战争场面,而选择了疾病与人的对决。本文从疾病这一角度切入,关注小说中有关脚气病、身体的言说,探讨国民的身体在“富国强兵”的社会背景下如何成为国家管理的对象,以及属于国家的身体在遭遇疾病之时如何回复其私有性。     

崔骃、班固赋、颂作年献疑

陆侃如先生<中古文学系年>将崔驷<大将军临洛观赋>系于永元四年四月初,认为崔驷<西征赋>系<北征颂>之误,值得商榷.通过对这两篇作品的探讨,还可对傅毅卒年、崔驷离开窦宪军幕返乡时间作出相对明确的断定.通过考察影日藏弘仁本<文馆词林>中所收崔驷<四巡颂>中<南巡颂>,可得出崔驷<南巡颂>与班固<南巡颂>的作年相同的结论.在此基础上,又可进一步推定班固丁忧去官的大致时间.     

Tolerant exclusion: expanding constricted narratives of wartime ethnic and civic nationalism1

ABSTRACT. During war, the demarcation ‘enemy alien’– whether on ethnic or civic grounds – can lead to loss of political, social or economic rights. Yet not all minorities are excluded even though they pose problems for civic and ethnic national categories of belonging. This article explores the experiences of an ethno‐religious minority who posed an intriguing dilemma for ethnic and civic categorisation in North America during World War II. The Mennonite experience enables a close examination of the relationship between a minority ethnic (and religious) group and majority concepts of wartime civic and ethnic nationalism. The article supports arguments that both ethnic and civic nationalism produce markers for the exclusion of minority groups during wartime. It reveals that minority groups can unintentionally become part of majority ‘nationalisms’ as the content of what defines the national ideal shifts over time. The experiences also suggest that a minority group can help mobilise symbolic resources that participate in transforming what defines the national ideal.     

Critical Masses: Augmented Virtual Experiences and the Xenoplastic at Australia’s Cold War and Nuclear Heritage Sites

Critical Masses is a multidisciplinary pilot project that aims to graphically represent and mediate the histories, spaces and narratives concerning former nuclear installations within central Australia. These include the abandoned British atomic test sites at Emu Field and Maralinga, the Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM)/Intermediate Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM) rocket launchers at Woomera, and the decommissioned US National Security Agency early warning satellite base at Nurrungar. Significantly, each of these Cold War sites are situated in either hazardous, remote, secure and/or culturally sensitive areas and require sophisticated analysis and negotiation in order to best render their complexity for both online access and on-site tourism. In association with the Maralinga-Pilling Trust and traditional indigenous landowners a multi-tiered approach (re)creating these locations is being modelled across platforms for diverse audiences. Digital materials are being authored and designed for stand-alone DVD, online interactive sites and archives, an immersive/simulated space for interpretation centres, and augmented/enhanced reality interfaces via GPS and mobile/handheld devices used in situ at key sites.     

The “War on Terror” and the Military–Archaeology Complex: Iraq, Ethics, and Neo-Colonialism

The archaeological response to the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq is often portrayed as a crusade to rescue antiquities, destroyed either directly by the military action itself or indirectly by the looting of archaeological sites and museums. I argue in this paper that this narrative is awfully inadequate, and masks the ethical and political dimensions at the core of this historical episode. I contend that, in their often well-intended attempts to rescue antiquities, most archaeologists involved have projected a professionalized, apolitical and abstract response, devoid of the social and political context, and based on the fetishisation of a narrowly and problematically defined archaeological record. I argue further that the increasing collaboration of many archaeologists with the invading militaries and occupation authorities since 2003, assisted by the “cultural turn” especially within the US military, have laid the foundations for an emerging military-archaeology complex. I trace the contours of this phenomenon by examining various archaeological and museum discourses and practices. This new development (with historical resonances that go as far back as the 18th century, if not earlier) is linked directly with the ontology and epistemology of archaeology, and deserves further close scrutiny and analysis. The thesis advanced here does not advocate inaction and withdrawal in situations of warfare, but a critical engagement that safeguards the autonomy of the scholar; critiques the political agendas and power structures of contemporary warfare; deconstructs its discursive basis and its ideological overtones; and shows its catastrophic consequences for people and things alike, past and present.