我对区域经济地理学的认识与几点实践体会

本文介绍了作者近半个世纪从事经济地理,尤其是区域经济地理学习、教学和科学研究实践的历程,对区域经济地理学科理论与实践的探索,是作者一生的主要学术活动领域。文中介绍了作者在区域经济地理研究中五个方面的贡献,总结了在教学与科学研究实践中的四点切身体会。科学的事业是万古长青的,建设具有中国特色的区域经济地理学科理论体系和方法论体系,还任重而道远,还须有志者进行长期艰苦的努力。作者的学习、教学与科学实践经历对青年学者或许有一定的借鉴作用。     

论陈独秀的报刊思想

陈独秀不仅是中国共产党的创始人和中国现代文化的开拓者,而且是一位成效卓著的报刊活动家和中国共产党早期新闻事业的创立者。他主持创办了中国第一批无产阶级报刊和中共中央第一份政治机关报。他在报刊性质、功能、特征,传播特点及报人品格诸方面,形成了较为系统的观点,对当代新闻报刊事业的发展仍然具有一定的借鉴意义。     

从“不做官吏”到争做官吏——汪精卫早年的无政府主义思想及其蜕变

汪精卫在民国初年宣布"不做官吏",退出政治,投入留法教育运动,在思想上是出于对无政府主义的认同。信奉无政府主义,促使汪早年崇尚暗杀,继而将教育视为比武装革命更为根本的救国手段,并与孙中山产生了严重的分歧。但国内政治的危机局面,使汪又不能忘情于现实政治,内心充满苦闷挣扎,最终重返政治,放弃了无政府主义理想。探讨汪精卫思想中的无政府主义及其蜕变过程,也有助于了解无政府主义在中国现代政治中所面临的困境。     

浅议王祯《造活字印书法》“界行”与明清活字“行格界线”

"界行",也称"行格界线",是版本学研究的问题之一。一般认为,"界行"是古籍中与文字相随、间隔字行的细黑线条。近代,西洋活字印刷技术逐渐取代了传统的版刻、活字技术,洋装书取代了线装书,"界行"也随之从书本上消失。过去认为,王祯《造活字印书法》(简称《印书法》)中的"界行",就是明清活字印本上的"行格界线"。近期,笔者重新审视西夏文佛经《本续》,对将其定为木活字印本的主要依据是"隔行竹片印痕"的认识有所领悟:《造活字印书法》中的"界行",与能显示在印本上的明清活字本"行格界线"不同,它是不能显示在印本上的。本文从三个方面对王祯《印书法》"界行"进行了论证:1.它与明清"行格界线"概念不同;2.它与明清"行格界线"性质不同;3.它与金简《程式》"套格"不同。     

王夫之直笔思想二题

直笔是中国古代史学的优良传统之一。作为明末清初著名思想家和史学家的王夫之,明确提出了直笔主张,主要体现在:对《春秋》书事实以显善恶和以文见义直书史法的认识;对史家直笔精神的盛誉和曲笔的批评。他的直笔思想富有一定的辩证色彩,反映了鲜明的时代特点,丰富了中国古代史学思想的内涵,值得认真总结。     

淮军将领王芝生生平事迹考

淮军将领王芝生官至澎湖镇总兵,记名提督,诰授建威将军,历经咸丰、同治、光绪三朝,参加平定太平军、捻军起义等重要战役,因吸食鸦片一度被革职查办.复职后,主持修建江阴炮台,防御外敌入侵;在澎湖总兵任上整饬兵制、积极救援外国遇险船员,受到到中外舆论的高度肯定.     

朱子伦理思想与明清徽州商业伦理观的转换和建构

朱子以理欲之辨为核心,在公私、义利和诚信及四民职业伦理问题上承继传统儒家伦理的核心价值观,对之做了系统的新阐发。它要求每个人践行儒家伦理道德,正确处理各层面的公私关系,实现儒家的理想人格,以建立一个儒家的理想社会。在秉承朱子之学和家礼的明清徽州,为了适应新的商业社会发展需要,人们以朱子伦理观为基础,同时吸收明清思想家重视个人主体精神、个人治生及"新四民观"等职业伦理思想,建构起一种新的商业伦理观。明清徽州以天理为旨归和价值目标,崇尚"勤俭治家"和"崇俭黜奢"的原则。在处理与家族、乡里、社会和国家等不同层面的公私关系时,践行朱子的公私之辨,以奉公和利公为原则与理想追求。秉承朱子义利观,将以义取利、以义制利和化利为义落实到经营和生活的诸多方面。徽商在经营中崇奉朱子的诚信观,以契约理性来规范商业经营。在看待士商(儒贾)关系及其职业伦理价值时,对朱子的职业伦理观既有突破,更有持守。     

National identity,nation and race: Wang Jingwei's early revolutionary ideas, 1905–1911

This article examines Wang Jingwei's ideas on nation and race before the 1911 Revolution. It has often been agreed by scholars that there was a strong current of anti-Manchuism among the revolutionaries and as a result, on the eve of the 1911 Revolution, the revolutionaries remained divided as to whether the new Republic should inherit all the territories ruled by the Manchu dynasty and whether it should include the Manchus into the nation. It was only in the reformist camp led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao that the Manchus were unambiguously regarded as part of the Chinese nation. This article suggests that in the revolutionary camp before the 1911 Revolution, it was Wang Jingwei who broke new ground in mapping out a place for the Manchus after the revolution. He stood out among the revolutionaries in the clear formulation of the idea that the new Chinese nation should be composed of different nationalities including the Manchus. This article also suggests that although Sun Yat-sen had an influence upon Wang Jingwei's political thinking during the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) times, Wang's intellectual talents and resources enabled him to outgrow Sun's framework and develop his own ideas. His concepts on race and nation and perceptions of Han–Manchu relations owed a considerable debt to the Swiss legal scholar, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli. Wang Jingwei has been a much reviled political figure in twentieth century Chinese history. His contribution to the formulation of a racial identity for the new Chinese nation has long been underrated, and this article attempts to throw light upon this aspect of his political thought.     

The Sino‐Soviet Conference, 1924–1927

Soviet Union issued two declarations toward China in 1919 and 1920, promising to nullify all treaty privileges in China previously established by the Tsarist government voluntarily. However, in the formal negotiations Karakhan insisted that old treaties must be replaced by new treaty. Finally, the Sino‐Soviet Agreement, literarily, “Agreement on General Principles for the Settlement of Outstanding Questions”, signed in May 1924 and diplomatic relations restored at once, a conference was stipulated to meet within one month to solve all questions and to conclude a formal treaty. Nevertheless, the conference was postponed for more than a year; when it did convene too many controversies led it nowhere. Since no treaty was produced at the Sino‐Soviet Conference, the old treaties were not abolished, therefore the Soviet's promises were never practiced.     

以王韬为例看传统知识分子的思想转型

王韬传统思想近代化的转变代表着中国传统知识分子的儒家正统思想向近代思想转化的一般过程。而王韬个人的特殊经历,对西学的体认和与西方传教士的亲密接触,其儒家传统思想的转变,表现出传统知识分子思想近代化的特殊性。