王赓武教授与海外华人研究：方法论的初步观察

作为海外华人研究领域的重要奠基人和开拓者,王赓武教授的治学方法对其研究以及该学科的发展有着不可忽略的影响。本文以此为出发点,结合王教授的成长经历与学术训练,探讨他由治中国古代史入手,转而侧重研究中国—南洋关系史以及东南亚华人史的时代背景及其学术含义。本文认为,坚实的中、西学术训练为他的学术生涯的成长奠定了基础,并成为他转入海外华人这一新兴领域的桥梁;而战后东南亚激剧的时代变迁则促进王教授的双重学术视野的形成与发展。这一双重性表现在两个方面:中国与东南亚的交互相映作为研究的切入点;自我与社会的双重关怀以及参与者和观察者的双重身份作为学术研究的参照系。     

王夫之进步教育观论略

作为明清之季杰出的思想家,王夫之的主要贡献并不在教育方面,但他却有着丰富而进步的教育思想。尤其是他的重视对儿童进行早期教育、重视“情商”教育的思想,以及行先知后的知行观等,都极大地丰富了中国传统教育理论,并在今天仍然散发着它的理论光芒。     

武进明代王洛家族墓

武进明代王洛家族墓地的发掘,使我们对明代贵族的舆服制度有了更深入的认识,而出土的精美的丝织品衣饰亦反映了当时高超的织造工艺。     

《明史·王守仁传》编纂考论

清官修《明史》过程中对于《王守仁传》的归属及其学术评价问题展开了激烈争论。结果以《明史》不立《道学传》。《王守仁传》归入大传不入《儒林传》而告终,争论的背后却隐含了史馆内存门户之见及其尊崇程朱理学的官方主流思想。《明史·王守仁传》主要取材于毛奇龄《王文成传本》、尤侗《王守仁传》、万斯同《明史稿·王守仁传》、王鸿绪《明史稿·王守仁传》。《明史·王守仁传》的成书符合清官修《明史》的一般情况。     

《金楼子·兴王》校读札记

萧绎《金楼子》因流传散佚,虽经前人校补订正,众版本参照比勘时仍存在讹误。本文就《金楼子·兴王》的一些错讹举例定误,以希对《金楼子》研究有所裨益。     

从“不做官吏”到争做官吏——汪精卫早年的无政府主义思想及其蜕变

汪精卫在民国初年宣布"不做官吏",退出政治,投入留法教育运动,在思想上是出于对无政府主义的认同。信奉无政府主义,促使汪早年崇尚暗杀,继而将教育视为比武装革命更为根本的救国手段,并与孙中山产生了严重的分歧。但国内政治的危机局面,使汪又不能忘情于现实政治,内心充满苦闷挣扎,最终重返政治,放弃了无政府主义理想。探讨汪精卫思想中的无政府主义及其蜕变过程,也有助于了解无政府主义在中国现代政治中所面临的困境。     

浅议王祯《造活字印书法》“界行”与明清活字“行格界线”

"界行",也称"行格界线",是版本学研究的问题之一。一般认为,"界行"是古籍中与文字相随、间隔字行的细黑线条。近代,西洋活字印刷技术逐渐取代了传统的版刻、活字技术,洋装书取代了线装书,"界行"也随之从书本上消失。过去认为,王祯《造活字印书法》(简称《印书法》)中的"界行",就是明清活字印本上的"行格界线"。近期,笔者重新审视西夏文佛经《本续》,对将其定为木活字印本的主要依据是"隔行竹片印痕"的认识有所领悟:《造活字印书法》中的"界行",与能显示在印本上的明清活字本"行格界线"不同,它是不能显示在印本上的。本文从三个方面对王祯《印书法》"界行"进行了论证:1.它与明清"行格界线"概念不同;2.它与明清"行格界线"性质不同;3.它与金简《程式》"套格"不同。     

王夫之直笔思想二题

直笔是中国古代史学的优良传统之一。作为明末清初著名思想家和史学家的王夫之,明确提出了直笔主张,主要体现在:对《春秋》书事实以显善恶和以文见义直书史法的认识;对史家直笔精神的盛誉和曲笔的批评。他的直笔思想富有一定的辩证色彩,反映了鲜明的时代特点,丰富了中国古代史学思想的内涵,值得认真总结。     

淮军将领王芝生生平事迹考

淮军将领王芝生官至澎湖镇总兵,记名提督,诰授建威将军,历经咸丰、同治、光绪三朝,参加平定太平军、捻军起义等重要战役,因吸食鸦片一度被革职查办.复职后,主持修建江阴炮台,防御外敌入侵;在澎湖总兵任上整饬兵制、积极救援外国遇险船员,受到到中外舆论的高度肯定.     

National identity,nation and race: Wang Jingwei's early revolutionary ideas, 1905–1911

This article examines Wang Jingwei's ideas on nation and race before the 1911 Revolution. It has often been agreed by scholars that there was a strong current of anti-Manchuism among the revolutionaries and as a result, on the eve of the 1911 Revolution, the revolutionaries remained divided as to whether the new Republic should inherit all the territories ruled by the Manchu dynasty and whether it should include the Manchus into the nation. It was only in the reformist camp led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao that the Manchus were unambiguously regarded as part of the Chinese nation. This article suggests that in the revolutionary camp before the 1911 Revolution, it was Wang Jingwei who broke new ground in mapping out a place for the Manchus after the revolution. He stood out among the revolutionaries in the clear formulation of the idea that the new Chinese nation should be composed of different nationalities including the Manchus. This article also suggests that although Sun Yat-sen had an influence upon Wang Jingwei's political thinking during the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) times, Wang's intellectual talents and resources enabled him to outgrow Sun's framework and develop his own ideas. His concepts on race and nation and perceptions of Han–Manchu relations owed a considerable debt to the Swiss legal scholar, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli. Wang Jingwei has been a much reviled political figure in twentieth century Chinese history. His contribution to the formulation of a racial identity for the new Chinese nation has long been underrated, and this article attempts to throw light upon this aspect of his political thought.