多逻斯川、双河及金牙山——唐将苏定方西征路线考辨

本文在史料分析和前人研究的基础上,考察了公元657年唐将苏定方西征西突厥阿史那贺鲁一役,对进军路线、战役发生地点进行了探索,并进一步对西突厥史地研究中的三个重要地点多逻斯川、双河及金牙山加以考证。结论是:多逻斯川并非额尔齐斯河,而更有可能是今日塔城东南之额敏河,其地应为西突厥北庭所在地,是阿史那贺鲁的重要根据地;双河必不在前人通常认为的博罗塔拉河流域,而是位于今哈萨克斯坦的阿勒坦额墨尔地区;金牙山即唐人贾耽所称之"羯丹山",位于今楚河北岸。     

对众多不同国家的一个相同政策--浅析中国对发展中国家的政策

中国外交已走过了半个世纪的历程,其间有多次大的外交政策调整.与对美、苏主要国家政策的不断调整和变化不同,中国对发展中国家的政策更多地表现出连续性.在处理与这些国家的关系时,中国一直认为自己是这些国家群体中的一员,而且常常把这些国家当做一个整体看待.但实际上中国与这些国家内部都存在着很大的分歧.中国对这些国家的政策在很大程度上受中国与主要大国,特别是美、苏关系和中国战略的影响,在不同时期有着不同的内容,呈现不同的特点.     

Spondylolysis in the lower thoracic–upper lumbar spine in a British medieval population

Spondylolysis is generally a condition of the lower lumbar spine, but occasionally it is observed at cranial to L4. It is generally agreed that spondylolysis in the lower lumbar spine represents fatigue failure of the neural arch. However, whether a biomechanical explanation is adequate to explain lesions cranial to L4 is disputed. Morphological aspects of spondylolysis at T12–L3 (five cases) are compared with those of lesions at L4–L6 (24 cases) in a mediaeval English skeletal series with the aim of shedding light upon any differences in aetiology of lesions at the two sites. It was found that spondylolysis at T12–L3 was more often unilateral than in L4–L6. In T12–L3, clefts more often took an angulated, dog‐leg course across the pars interarticularis, whereas most in L4–L6 were fairly straight and had an oblique orientation. In T12–L3, clefts often had facetted opposing surfaces suggestive of a diarthrodial joint, but this was only seen once in L4–L6. It is suggested on morphological grounds that facetted defects are more likely congenital than acquired. The need for consideration of factors in addition to activity regimes when interpreting spondylolysis in earlier populations is emphasised. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

天演、进化、进步的内涵及其关系研究述评

<天演论>是中国近代史上一部划时代的著作,一百多年来,人们对它的研究长盛不衰,涉及问题殊多,现就严复译述<天演论>的概念问题进行梳理,包括研究状况、不同观点以及笔者的简评.关于天演、进化、进步之间的关系存在着两种对立的观点:一是对等说,二是非对等说.文中从天演与进化、进化与进步、天演内涵、严复态度四个方面进行了梳理,认为对等说较普遍认同,而非对等说更接近真理,从科学的观点讲,应该严格加以区分,并对具体问题进行具体分析,做到实事求是.     

Structures and Members: An Overview of The Cumann na nGaedheal Party Organisation, 1923–33

This article re‐examines Cumann na nGaedheal's approach to party organisation. Cumann na nGaedheal has been portrayed as a badly organised, ‘top‐down’ party that suffered electorally for its reluctance to match the structure and organisation of its main anti‐Treaty rival, Fianna Fáil. Moreover, the party has been caricatured as a conservative organisation with little affinity for the ideology of the Irish revolution. While recent studies have reappraised Cumann na nGaedheal's engagement with the revolutionary inheritance, while highlighting underappreciated aspects of the party's electoral innovations, its organisational structures require further scholarly attention. Closer scrutiny of Cumann na nGaedheal's organisational structures sheds further light on its fate as nationalist Ireland's first party of government and ultimately its demise as a distinct party in 1933.     

Mobility of the Creative Class and City Attractiveness: A Case Study of Chinese Animation Workers

The paper investigates the geographical mobility of creative workers in China, focusing on the authors' survey of workers in the animation industry. More specifically, the authors use the Reilly-Converse model and GIS tools to probe the locational choices of Chinese animation workers in Beijing and Shanghai by analyzing such factors of spatial attractiveness as home town, place of residence, and university from which the worker graduated. The paper compares the creative milieus in Beijing and Shanghai, and demonstrates that the "personal trajectory" of human capital is a key determinant of occupational location. The results of the authors' survey highlight the limitations of Richard Florida's 3T theory in the Chinese context.     

Forging African American Minds: Black Pragmatism, “intelligent labor,” and a new look at industrial education, 1879–1900

This article examines black thought and black ideas about racial consciousness after Reconstruction in order to rethink the way African American leaders conceived the relationship between work and intellectual achievement in the late nineteenth century. Conventional scholarly accounts of the politics of black knowledge and education – including the still very prevalent paradigm of industrial and classical education – have missed a fascinating transformation of thought among many African American leaders after 1879 who sought to reinvent black identity. At the root of this transformation were shifting ideas about the black worker and a new industrial economy. The leaders who represented the transformation embraced progressive, pragmatist, and very modern approaches to intellectual cultivation – approaches that were more in line with theories of manual training and object-learning than with classical education. In other words, the intellectual rationales for industrial education among black educators were as important as the economic and practical ones. Those rationales were articulated not just by more conservative black voices intent on fitting into a new industrial order, but also by black progressives and radicals who hoped to cultivate black “self-consciousness,” vigorous engagement with the “real world,” and intellectual independence from white norms.     

The Rolt Memorial Lecture 2017: Conserving the Waterways Heritage

ABSTRACT

This article describes the work of the Canal & River Trust in managing and conserving the heritage assets and the wider historic environment of the Trust's waterways in England and Wales. Various types of heritage assets are described, and the ways in which these assets are managed, including via archaeological recording, along with conservation-led repairs to historic engineering structures and other historic waterway-related buildings, are considered. New directions that offer effective and efficient ways of dealing with heritage assets are examined.     

The Archbishop of Canterbury,the Episcopal Bench,and the Passage of the 1911 Parliament Act

The passage of the 1911 Parliament Bill ended the power of the British house of lords to veto any legislation passed by the house of commons. Henceforth, it could only delay the passage of a measure. The bill was carried by a mere 17 votes and friction between Unionists who took up die‐hard opposition, advised abstention, or actively sought to aid passage was bitter. The role which the archbishop of Canterbury played in canvassing the episcopal bench and helping to ensure final passage of the bill has not attracted much attention. Prior to the debate, the archbishop advised abstention but did not dissuade others from encouraging bishops to support the bill to help ensure passage. Before the vote, therefore, ‘die‐hards’ opposing any concession to the government, ‘hedgers’ advising Unionist abstention in the vote, and ‘rats’, Unionists willing to vote for the bill to ensure passage despite personal reservations, attempted to sound out and pressure the bishops in their direction. At the debate, the archbishop changed his mind and decided he must support the bill in order to avoid a greater crisis, and 12 other bishops joined him in the government lobby, helping to create the final majority of 17 by which the measure passed. Consideration of the role of the bishops adds to the understanding of the mechanics by which the bill passed, amidst considerable intrigue, pressure and acrimony, as well as further illuminating the extent and intensity of the divisions within the Unionist party at this critical moment.