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101.
南京博物院院藏的一件汉代铜座漆耳杯,风格与蜀汉产品极其相近,由此可见当时各地的文化交流和商品流通之一斑。  相似文献   
102.
Chang'an (now Xi'an) was the capital of the Western Han Dynasty and the starting point of the Silk Road. In the light of the importance of Chang'an as the centre of politics, economy and cultural interaction, the overarching question proposed in this paper is focused on its role in the mirror production and distribution network during Han period. On the basis of chemical and lead isotopic analyses of 34 Han mirrors, this paper discusses the potential existence of a mirror production centre in Chang'an. Meanwhile, a comparative study with mirrors uncovered from the south‐western frontier and from Central Asian and North‐East Asian countries offers new insight into these related issues.  相似文献   
103.
In the famous chapters on the flaws of the Qin (221–207 BCE) dynasty, Jia Yi (200–168 BCE) deals with the reasons for the Qin’s defeat. This article, grounded in previous scholarship, will analyze Jia Yi’s discussion of the fall of the Qin and will show that the negative depiction of Qin policies was part of Jia Yi’s strategy for implementing the political agenda of the Han. Moreover I argue that the Guo Qin lun, or “To Surpass the Qin,” is not simply a historical analysis, but a political treatise that also deals with: (1) heeding the advice of meritorious ministers; (2) persuading the emperor to apply policies to bring tranquility to the people.  相似文献   
104.
This study examines Qing state attention to the Muslim challenger Jahāngīr, leader of Xinjiang’s 1826–1828 Jahāngīr Uprising. It considers how imperial agents, guided by Emperor Daoguang, defined and processed this contender, as well what this rendering implied for views of “Hui Frontier” Muslims. As will be seen, Jahāngīr was depicted as not just “treacherous” and duplicitous, but also an external “barbarian.” This image – crafted from military reports, imperial edicts, confessions, ritual, sentencing, and punishment – served to clarify a narrative with two salient characteristics. First, the khoja was set as the keystone of the conflict, the management of whom signaled a restoration of imperial integrity. Second, he was differentiated from local Turkic Muslims “Hui,” who (with ambiguity) were framed as Qing subjects. This rendering mirrored earlier Qing (esp. Jiaqing Reforms) depictions of borderland rebel leaders, suggestive of a solidification of the “idea” of Xinjiang as interior to the empire.  相似文献   
105.
说“妖”:明代中晚期社会与文化的异动及其妖魔化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
明代中晚期,是一个极具变化的时代,社会与文化呈现出诸多转向的迹象。面对如此巨大变动的挑战,势必引发生活在这一时代知识人的回应,甚至不乏惊诧之感,将诸如此类的变动视为家庭的不祥之相和社会的"大怪"。在正统人士看来,明代中晚期堪称"妖魔化"的时代。在这样的时代,"妖人"辈出,"妖言"四起,"妖物"勃兴,"妖事"频出,却又从另外一个侧面反映了晚明社会与文化的基本风貌。  相似文献   
106.
Located in the Central Plains of China, the early Xia Dynasty site of Xinzhai (2050 BC–1750 BC) with large archaeological features and exquisite artifacts of jade and copper is pivotal for probing the origin and formation of Chinese civilisation. Here, stable isotope ratios analysis, supplemented by zooarchaeological results, was used to investigate the exploitation and management of animals utilised by humans. It was demonstrated that a diverse pattern of animal raising and exploitation was present at the Xinzhai site. The domestic pigs were fed with substantial amounts of millets or their byproducts to guarantee a food source for the dietary demands of the humans. Dogs were also found to have consumed large amounts of C4 protein sources, likely in the form of human food scraps or leftovers. The domestic herbivores, sheep and cattle, showed different dietary characteristics in that the former mainly grazed in the natural environment, while the latter species were fed with large amounts of C4 products. This intra‐species variation was somewhat related to their physiological characteristics but seems to have been more determined by their different status in social and ritual activities. Thus, this research at Xinzhai provides a glimpse of the organisation of animal resources during the initial formation of Chinese civilisation. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
107.
刘琼 《南方文物》2010,(4):101-119
商汤都亳,是夏商史研究中的最重要内容之一,涉及商代第一都、早商文化、夏商分界、夏文化界定等重大学术课题,因而成为学术界一直以来关注的焦点和热点。本文对这一课题的学术史进行了回顾与总结,归纳与概括主要研究成果,指出在学术讨论中暴露出的一些问题。  相似文献   
108.
元代陕西行省设立早,起初临时处理军政,且与四川时合时分,至元二十三年(1286年)后自为一省。陕西行省与行御史台、宗王等分治最为典型。因西台负责四省监察,蒙古军都万户府迁治凤翔及安西王等出镇,陕西行省长期充任西部军政大本营。然军事权偏弱,还有所谓"未尝提调军马"的"旧例"。这是前期四川设行枢密院,蒙古军都万户府与其不相统摄,平章多不兼都万户,直接支配军队有限等所造成。任职或镇守陕西的,往往是廉希宪、赛典赤、阿思罕、乃蛮台等重臣及安西王、湘宁王等显赫宗王。该省"舞台"或可窥见元朝廷各种政治势力的角逐乃至厮杀。  相似文献   
109.
本文介绍的皇唐三阶大德禅师碑,以三组佛造像为碑的主体,且造像主尊不是三阶教徒口念的地藏菩萨。文章意在说明佛教其他宗派的造像、礼佛风气对于三阶教的影响可能是始终的,同时通过造像内容,对这通唐代三阶教造像碑的相对年代作了大致的推断。  相似文献   
110.
东汉“天禄、辟邪”刻字分别见于宗资和州辅墓前石兽。依据相关资料进行研究发现,《汝帖》“天禄、辟邪”刻字是以宗资墓前石兽膊间拓本为底本,又摭拾了州辅墓碑间残剩十字摹刻入帖,因此《汝帖》辑存了古碑书法善之善者。  相似文献   
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