东南亚华侨华人、港澳同胞与侨乡建设 --梅州市个案研究

本文论述和评价了东南亚华侨华人、港澳同胞在梅州投资办企业、捐资办学的实绩及其对梅州社会经济发展的作用、意义,从一个侧面展示了梅州侨乡社会经济发展的轨迹.     

1955年亚非会议与中泰关系的有限缓和

泰国在亚洲冷战形成的过程中选择了以美国为首的西方阵营,拒不承认新中国,中泰关系处于隔绝状态。中国一贯重视改善同东南亚邻国的关系,在和平解决印度支那问题后积极为改善中泰关系而努力。1955年的亚非会议,不仅为中泰两国提供了直接接触和了解的机会,促使泰国转变对华态度,而且也给东南亚地区局势带来缓和。尽管这一时期的关系缓和是有限的、短暂的,但它是新中国推行和平外交的一次重要尝试。     

Cultivation of Naked Barley by Early Iron Age Agro-pastoralists in Xinjiang,China

ABSTRACT

We report an archaeobotanical analysis of flotation samples taken from Shirenzigou, an Early Iron Age agro-pastoralist site dated between the fourth and first century BC, located on the northern slope of the Tianshan Mountains in Xinjiang, China. The charred macro-botanical assemblage is dominated by naked barley grains with a few broomcorn and foxtail millet grains. In the context of Trans-Eurasian exchange of cereal crops, southwest Asian crops (wheat and barley) and two Asian millets (broomcorn and foxtail) were introduced to Xinjiang a few centuries to a millennium before Shirenzigou was occupied. The choice of barley cultivation in preference to wheat and millet may have been possibly driven by the relatively extreme local environment and the scheduling requirements of mobile pastoralism. Barley is well suited to this environment, and the choice of naked barley in preference to hulled barley may have been driven by the whole grain tradition prevailing in East Asia.     

‘Every household will be a micro-enterprise’: a youth micro-loan scheme’s role in restructuring Nepal

ABSTRACT

Lack of secure employment mobilized many young people into Nepal’s civil war and a decade of political opposition (1996–2006). As a result, both the post-war government and foreign donors invested in policies aimed to harness the productive capacities of young people in restructuring the nation. This article explores the theme of aspiration on the national and personal level and their convergence through a micro-finance program in post-war Nepal, the Youth, Small Enterprise, and Self-Employment Fund (YSEF). The national-level aspiration to make ‘new Nepal’ hinged on young people fulfilling their personal aspirations. I consider whether post-conflict pacification measures like YSEF can foster the sense of national belonging necessary by analyzing the challenges faced in instituting this loan scheme nationally and locally along Nepal’s open border with India. Analyzing YSEF’s institution from a borderland optic reveals assumptions inherent in peacebuilding intervention and limits YSEF’s ability to wholly accommodate its recipients. I suggest that the government’s attempt to bring marginalized youth into the ‘official’ economic fold through YSEF falls short in accommodating young people’s livelihood aspirations within their lived reality. Instead young people are creating pathways beyond state dependence.     

The acculturation experiences of Asian immigrants in Singapore

This study aims to understand the acculturation experiences of Asian immigrants to Singapore. A qualitative exploratory study using focus group discussions was conducted among 40 permanent residents and new citizens. Each of the seven focus groups had an average of six participants and lasted 1–2 hours. Immigrants described Singaporean culture as a blended culture featuring multiracialism. Their acculturation strategies were influenced by the way they were perceived and treated by the host society, based on their country of origin and whether they had been members of a minority community there. Although the respondents valued multiracialism, they also faced challenges in maintaining interethnic contacts. Implications for further enhancing existing acculturation models are discussed.     

The disturbance and endurance of norms in ASEAN: peaceful but stressful

Since the Cold War, South-East Asia has been marked by a period of relative calm and stability. Yet this peace belies ongoing tensions, mistrust and stress in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and among its member states. Within the scholarship on ASEAN, not enough attention is devoted to these underlying currents. How and in what way do tensions stress the ASEAN norms? What are some of the coping mechanisms adopted by ASEAN and its member states? Engaging with the scholarship on norms, the author contends that changes wrought in this relationship are both extra- and intra-mural. These have accelerated as contentious issues—particularly the South China Sea disputes—gain more visibility. The author argues that ASEAN is put under pressure, firstly, through a more muscular Chinese foreign policy that disrupts but does not yet break the fundamental norms of ASEAN and, secondly, through internal contestation over ASEAN norms that challenges the meaning of these norms. Essentially, the article gives an account of how internal and external pressures are burdening ASEAN norms but yet remain durable because of resistance against duress by the bloc and member states. This is done through an examination of instances where the established order and practices in the region were disturbed, and the response to this disturbance.     

Governing Civil Society in Cambodia: Implications of the NGO Law for the “Rule of Law”

Abstract

This article reviews the introduction of the 2015 Law on Associations and Non-governmental Organisations in Cambodia (“NGO Law”) from 2011–17 and explores its connection to the rule of law. After outlining the content, definitions and regulatory environment related to the NGO Law, it provides a commentary on its initial application, and examines its potential articulation with other legislation (such as defamation and libel, telecommunications law and land law). I argue that the NGO Law should be characterised as a carefully crafted piece of legislation, developed and defended over time by the ruling political party to increase control and intimidation by invoking adherence to the “rule of law”. Narratives of national security, terrorism, neutrality and cultural cohesion have been interwoven with new regulatory requirements to obfuscate overt political interference. The article argues that the NGO Law intersects with, and consolidates, the recent trend of the government’s use of legislation as a political tool to control and manipulate political opponents and government critics. This is not to deny that there are areas of civil society action and service provision that require greater government control via regulatory compliance. Nevertheless, the state’s attempts to tighten civil space are being met with resistance and “work around” strategies from the plethora of diverse organisations functioning in Cambodia.     

新疆宋元时期也木勒遗址出土玻璃的工艺与成分研究

也木勒遗址位于新疆维吾尔自治区塔城地区额敏县,是北方丝绸之路上的重镇,考古发掘确定其为宋元时期的大型遗址。为探讨该遗址出土玻璃的成型工艺和来源,本研究以该遗址中的9个玻璃碎片作为对象,通过观察成型工艺,并利用激光剥蚀电感耦合等离子体原子发射光谱(LA-ICP-AES)技术分析样品的化学成分。结果显示,这批素面透明的玻璃片为无模吹制而成的日常实用器皿,成分上属于钠钙玻璃体系,Na_2O含量低,K_2O含量较高,并含有P_2O_5,助熔剂可能是含有草木灰的混合碱,成分特征与同时期葱岭以西中亚地区、新疆地区生产的玻璃器相似。结合新疆同时期玻璃器发现,多是装饰简洁,出土地点等级一般的普通实用性器皿,说明玻璃器已进入平民的日常生活之中,反映出新疆地方民族政权较中原地区先融合了中西亚将玻璃器作为日常生活用具的文化,形成了与中原玻璃器功用的差异之处。研究结果为丰富国内宋元时期新疆玻璃器的研究资料,揭示新疆地区玻璃器的使用面貌,探讨宋元时期少数民族地方政权的文化交流提供重要信息。     

Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: the stitched‐plank and lashed‐lug tradition

This article updates research into the sewn‐boat traditions of Southeast Asia with recent finds that provide evidence of the transition from stitched planks with lashed‐lug frames to planks fastened with dowels and locked dowels alongside lashed‐lug frames. The differences between Southeast Asian, East Asian, and Indo‐Arabic boatbuilding are discussed and the meaning of anomalies, such as the Maldivian dhonis, examined. Considering the known history of trade and exchange throughout the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, the lack of hybridization between boatbuilding traditions is noted.     

China's Belt and Road Initiative in Central Asia and the Middle East

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) aims at connecting the continents of Asia, Europe, and Africa through a combination of infrastructure projects and soft‐power programs. All of the six land bridges and maritime routes under the BRI extend westward, mostly passing through Central Asia and the Middle East on land or by sea. Cooperation with countries in these regions will, according to China's design, meet its domestic energy needs, and grow the country's economy. China recognizes, however, that in Central Asia and the Middle East, the risks posed by what it calls the “Three Evils” — terrorism, extremism, and separatism can impact the success of the BRI. They can also impact stability in its own adjacent areas, including Xinjiang. Therefore, in concert with the BRI, China is also identifying and deploying bilateral and multilateral diplomatic mechanisms aimed at security coordination with BRI countries in these two volatile regions. This article provides an overview of BRI developments in the two regions and examines some of the diplomatic mechanisms China is using to coordinate security and reduce risks.