产业结构转型与区域经济复兴的个案研究 --《美国中西部经济:面向未来的历史回顾》述评

无论在重要性还是典型性上,美国中西部在世界区域经济中的地位都是不可小觑的。由美联储发起的研究项目《美国中西部经济：面向未来的历史回顾》,对中西部经济的转型和复兴进行了一番全面的审视和总结。数据翔实,观点颇具权威性,有其独特的研究价值和参考价值。本文概括其内容,并略加评论,以便于我们更准确把握美国老工业区产业结构转型和经济复兴的现状和发展趋势,为我国的老工业区改造提供借鉴。     

美国共运史研究中的正统派与修正派

美国共运研究中存在着许多不同的派别,其中最有影响的是正统派和修正派。正统派以延续传统史学的方法为特征,修正派受新社会史和文化史的影响,以异端性的方法来重新阐释美共历史为特征;正统派持一元论、精英史观的立场,修正派则坚持多元论、民众参与的立场;正统派坚持外来论,修正派赞同本土论;正统派重裁判,修正派重理解。个人经历、知识背景和时代背景的不同,是造成两派对立的三个主要因素。     

美国国家经济研究局关于当代中国经济问题研究的最新进展——以中国经济研究项目组2009～2010年的工作手稿为基础

美国国家经济研究局自2003年成立了中国经济研究项目组,在2009～2010年,该项目组共发布了24篇与当代中国经济有关的工作手稿,分别涉及当代中国的经济、人力资本、对外贸易等问题。通过这些手稿,可以了解到国外机构对于当代中国经济问题研究的一些新特点以及最新的发展趋势;可以在相关问题的研究中,得到比较全面的见解和看法,从多角度审视这些重要理论,在面对国内现实问题时提出更为有效的解决办法。     

试论外国军舰驻华特权制度的形成与发展——以顾盛使华为中心

鸦片战争后签订的一系列不平等条约对军舰驻华特权制度给予了明确的规定。《虎门条约》是外国侵略者＂合法＂获取军舰驻华特权的开始。美、法等国通过《望厦条约》、《黄埔条约》使这一特权制度日趋完善。在攫取军舰驻泊权的过程中,美国人顾盛使外国军舰驻华特权条款扩展到几乎可以被人任意解释的地步,为日后列强军舰任意游弋中国内水埋下了祸根。通过第一批不平等条约,西方有约国家获得了军舰驻泊特权。第二次鸦片战争中,列强在这一问题上获得了较大突破,此后该制度逐步走向完善。     

A history of transboundary storm water flows: flooding,tunnels, and the spatial incongruity of the U.S.–Mexico border

The benefits of transnational flows and the concern for national security have framed development in the U.S.–Mexico borderlands since the formative beginnings of both nations. As national discourses, trade and security work against each other in borderland spaces, the former requiring openings in the border, the later seeking to control it. This paper considers the material implications of these discourses on the border landscape with particular attention to historical boundary development, urbanization, and impacts of chronic flooding. It argues that material discursive dynamics not only constitute the contemporary landscape, but create spatial incongruities that influence the impacts of natural processes, such as storm water flow. Using the southern Arizona border as a case study, the paper uses archival research to explore the historical geography of chronic flooding in the twentieth century and the shift in dynamics of flooding due to border boundary build up.     

The Candidates of the Liberal Unionist Party, 1886–1912*

Historians have hitherto based discussion of the electoral performance of the Liberal Unionist Party on incomplete data regarding the candidates of the party, as published sources, including F.W.S. Craig's British Parliamentary Election Results, 1885–1918, the standard reference work, include a number of cases where the party label of a Unionist candidate (either Liberal Unionist or Conservative) is uncertain or incorrect. Utilising a wide range of primary and secondary sources, this article resolves a number of these cases, and thus creates the most accurate list of Liberal Unionist candidates available. The creation of this list allows for accurate analysis of the party's history, and the article makes some preliminary observations based on the data presented. Among these observations are that the Liberal Unionists comprised a consistent percentage of the overall Unionist Party in the house of commons, that the number of seats contested by Liberal Unionists remained steady through the January 1910 election, and that existing interpretations of the electoral pact between the Liberal Unionists and Conservatives may be flawed.     

FROM VAGUE SYMBOLS TO CONTESTED CONCEPTS: PEIRCE,W. B. GALLIE,AND HISTORY

This article explores Walter Bryce Gallie's notion of “essentially contested concepts” from a viewpoint that has hitherto been neglected, namely its relation to the philosophy of Charles S. Peirce. As a matter of fact, Gallie was an authoritative reader of the American philosopher. All areas of his work are influenced by his attempt to take up and further articulate a major insight of Peirce's semiotics, namely the idea that symbols are inherently vague, and that their meaning is in a state of perpetual growth. At the same time, Gallie rejected another crucial tenet of Peirce's philosophy, that is, the idea that the growth of signs is regulated by the possibility of a final agreement among sign‐users. Examining this ambivalent relation between the two authors will help us shed light on a question that was of crucial importance for Gallie: to what extent should we let our appreciation of concepts or beliefs depend on a historical examination of their meaning?     

Something to Compete with ‘Gunsmoke’: ‘The Big Picture’ Television series and selling a ‘modern,progressive and forward thinking’ Army to Cold War America

Airing from 1951 until 1971, ‘The Big Picture’ was the United States Army’s primary means of marketing itself to the U.S. public, particularly between the Korean and Vietnam Wars. Drawing for the first time on archival records concerning the show’s production, this paper documents how information officers sought to escape the stock-footage straightjacket embedded in the show’s origins and showcase an Atomic Age Army standing sentry at the Cold War’s ramparts. Ultimately, they fought dual losing battles against parsimonious budgets and public indifference, while their insistence on content control hampered potential exposure in more appealing prime-time entertainment programmes.     

国际权势格局的当今变动与相关的理论、历史和现实思考

主要出于几方面的基本原因,“ 9·11”事件以来美国的权势有了最新的更进一步增长,其霸权性优势的支配或严重影响范围出现了新的跃进式扩展,无论就地理范围还是就问题领域来说都是如此。这一事态以差不多空前的尖锐程度,提出了一个头等重要的问题,那就是在可以明确预见的一个未来时期里,能否在世界政治总体及其各主要局部上真正成功地制衡美国的过大优势和强权政治?历史实例考察和理论分析都提示,答案是否定的。在此情况下,中国不要“当头”,不要冒失,而需要认真考虑、试验、采纳和优化总体制衡以外的大战略选择。与此同时,中国必须发展改革,加强国力,后一方面特别包括下决心全面和大幅度地改善和建设军事力量。我们在这两方面需要做的一切,除了其他根本性的目的以外,是为了准备迎接在较长远的未来必定会到来的总体制衡的大历史时机。     

T.H. Green, advanced liberalism and the reform question 1865–1876

This paper examines Thomas Hill Green's changing attitude to the Reform Question between 1865 and 1876. Section 1 sketches the Radical landscape against which Green advocated reform between 1866 and 1867, paying particular attention to the respective positions of Gladstone, J.S. Mill and Bright on the relationship between responsible citizenship and class membership. Section 2 examines Green's theories of social balance and responsible citizenship at the time of his lectures on the English Civil War. Section 3 argues that, contrary to the established scholarship, Green's Radicalism was closer to Bright than to Gladstone and Mill during this period. Section 4 counters Richter's claim that Green abandoned democracy following the 1874 General Election, while arguing that even sympathetic commentators misunderstand Green's attitude to the Reform Question immediately after this date.