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401.
Ellen Ott Marshall 《Political Theology》2020,21(3):192-206
ABSTRACTThis article explores the relationship between pacifism and responsibility through conversations with four white U.S. women formed in historic peace church traditions. The conversations resist the dominant tendency to present pacifism and responsibility as dichotomies. For these women, responsibility is not an absolute criterion to which a pacifist position must answer; nor is it a worldly commitment shunned by faithful adherence to the gospel. Rather, responsibility is a crucial yet highly contextual consideration in the pacifist life one cannot but live. This article concludes that it is a mistake to utilize responsibility as an external criterion by which to judge pacifism and a mistake to deny the importance of responsibility in a pacifist life. Both of these dichotomous arrangements mischaracterize the lived experience and moral reflection of the interviewees. The question of responsibility is not whether one should be a pacifist, but how to live nonviolently in a violent world. 相似文献
402.
The militarisation of conservation involves the integration of conservation, security and counterinsurgency through violent and armed strategies, or ‘war, by conservation’. We describe a militarised conservation practice in which a marine protected area was established by the state and supported by international actors in a region of ongoing ethnic and military conflict as a case of conservation, by war. Conservation and security actors actively criminalise artisanal fishing communities in Gulf of Mannar Marine National Park in India. The harvest of sea cucumbers, marine species of commercial value historically traded between the Indian state of Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, was banned and has become the target of militarised action. When the Sri Lankan civil war broke out in 1983, sea cucumber trade turned into a security concern as the same sea routes were also being used for trafficking arms, ammunition, and other contraband. Tamil Nadu was geographically and logistically involved in the civil war due to ethnic ties. The Sri Lankan civil war and its social and political consequences on the neighbouring state of Tamil Nadu due to ethnic ties is a fitting case of the nexus of conservation and security in a marine context. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews conducted with artisanal fishers and conservation and security actors, we show that violent political conflict provided the justification for securitisation of conservation. As the state focuses its conservation efforts on the marine protected area, commercial fisheries detrimental to fisheries and biodiversity conservation continue. Marine protected areas allow the state to achieve its security outcomes even as it fails to meet its conservation goals due to non-local drivers of declines in species populations. Trans-boundary marine environments are particularly difficult to govern due to the dynamic nature of the seascape. The materiality of the sea and the conservation-security nexus results in the creation of a violent maritime space. 相似文献
403.
The recent polymorphism of state intervention and attendant political geographies have been interpreted as a return of state capitalism. While commentators across the social sciences have offered competing characterizations of the new state capitalism, little attention has been dedicated to how narratives and geographical imaginaries of the new state capitalism operate as a form of geopolitical knowledge and practice. Drawing upon critical geopolitics, we make three main arguments. First, we examine the context of wider geopolitical and geo-economic shifts in which the social construction of the geo-category has happened. We contend that the emerging new spatiality of the global economy has prompted the need for new discursive frames and geopolitical lines of reasoning. Second, we argue that this need is fulfilled by the geo-category state capitalism, which acts as a powerful tool in categorizing and hierarchizing the spaces of world politics. It does so by reinstituting a simple narrative of competition between two easily identifiable protagonists – (Western) democratic free-market capitalism and its deviant ‘other’, (Eastern) authoritarian state capitalism – and by reactivating older geopolitical grand narratives. Third, the geo-category state capitalism discursively enables Western business and state actors to justify tougher policy stances in three areas: foreign policy; trade, technology, and investment regulation; and international development. 相似文献
404.
Ning An 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2020,111(5):758-770
Drawing on ‘popular geopolitics’ and ‘Internet geopolitics’, this study examines China’s responses to the US war on terror by comparing print narratives with Internet discussions. The results indicate that Chinese print media embraces a different but unanimous narrative strategy than the Anglo-American discourses on the war on terror, which rejects a binary construction between terrorism and the US but instead portrays both as playing violent and immoral roles. This study also finds that Internet discussion has greatly challenged such geopolitical expression, which is reflected in the emergence of both resistant and ensemble discourses in the online community. These findings demonstrate that the Internet as a new type of information technology has changed the organisation and expression of geopolitical power and incorporates broader actors into its structure. It is valid and necessary to look at the Internet as an important variable affecting the current geopolitical landscape. In this sense, this paper enriches the literature of critical geopolitics and, to a notable extent, signifies a broader agenda for Internet geopolitics. 相似文献
405.
In Colombia’s agrarian spaces, war and extractivism are deeply entangled. Almost four years after the peace accords signed between the national government and the FARC guerrilla, post-conflict geographies are best characterised by the ongoing dispossession of local populations related to the entrenchment of extractivism. Drawing from ethnographic work carried out in the Colombian Caribbean on the ordinary practices and spaces of social reproduction, the ordinary geographies, this article explores gendered practices of care and their role in both sustaining and disrupting paramilitary violence and agrarian extractivism. The focus not just on the gendered effects of war and extractivism, but on gender’s constitutive role in the configuration of these processes and dynamics, allows us to contribute to recent literature on extractivism, dispossession and violence from a feminist standpoint. 相似文献
406.
美国经济遏制战略与高新技术转让限制 总被引：4，自引：0，他引：4
50— 60年代 ,美国经济遏制战略是以禁运战略物资为主 ,从 70年代开始 ,转向以限制高新技术转让为主 ;1 979年《出口管制法》标志着这种转变的完成。在“缓和时代” ,美国经济遏制战略追求的目标是 ,以有限发展东西方贸易换取苏联的政治让步。在“新冷战”时期 ,美国经济遏制战略将打击对象从中国重新转向苏联 ,更重要的是将高新技术转让限制作为迫使苏联“改变国内政治”的重要手段 相似文献
407.
朝鲜战争中中美决策比较研究 总被引：8，自引：2，他引：8
本文通过对朝鲜战争第一年中 ,中美双方在不同阶段决策的变化 ,来研究大国间“局部战争”概念的形成及局部战争中双方的战略指导思想 相似文献