排序方式: 共有189条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
61.
对于中国大革命,人们历来认为它是失败的.毛泽东却在不少文章和讲话中谈到大革命(毛泽东习惯上称为北伐战争)的胜利,这给了我们评价大革命以新的启示和思考.过去所谓大革命的失败,通常是指蒋介石、汪精卫叛变革命、屠杀人民,进而又使北伐剩下奉系军阀残余势力未能最后消灭.其实这不能界定为大革命的失败:因为蒋、汪不是大革命的目标,北洋军阀才是这次革命的对象,北洋军阀不久就彻底覆灭,北伐(大革命)本身是胜利的,消灭蒋介石国民党反动政权已叫土地革命战争了.过去把胜利了的大革命一直说成是失败,最主要原因当是大革命时的中共主要领导人陈独秀长期受到批判和不公正待遇.现在随着对陈独秀的客观公正评价,应把对大革命的错误结论矫正过来. 相似文献
62.
In this article, we explore the way men and women used the idea of violence to transform their broader political roles in
their desired new Republic. We argue that the espousal of violence, whether or not actually undertaken, became an important
part of the accoutrements of progressive political forces in China at this time. Violent action was perceived as virtuous
rather than villainous among reformers and radicals in the late Qing and early Republic. We demonstrate that the impact and
significance of this turn to violence differed for men and for women. For men, the ability and willingness to take violent
action symbolized a break with the effete literati of the imperial past by their envisaging of a muscular Confucianism; for
women, it provided a platform on which their claims to equal citizenship with men could be performed. The gendered nature
of the virtue of violence within this rapidly changing political context produced unexpected results for both male and female
political aspirants. 相似文献
63.
毛泽东在20世纪六七十年代所倡导的放权改革,是中国工业发展进程中又一次探索。东北地区作为最重要的重化工业基地,此次放权改革对其影响甚大:一方面使国有大中型企业的设备更新、技术改造推后,工业生产受到影响;另一方面却促进了东北五小工业的大发展。此次放权改革背景下的东北工业体制经历了由收到放的不成功探索,其运行则经历了一个停滞与推进、徘徊与勃兴的逆向互动过程。 相似文献
64.
生父搜索指非婚生子女或其生母为了获得抚养费或提出财产要求而公开指认其生父的诉请权。18世纪法国的法理、习俗与法律鼓励生父搜索。法国大革命时期对此进行了激烈的争论,最终导致生父搜索的取消。为了强化这一点,保护合法的父家长制的家庭及其财产的安全,1804年《法国民法典》完全禁止生父搜索。 相似文献
65.
66.
Christoph Meinel 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2003,26(2):81-88
Based on a brief historiographical survey, the article aims at tracing some intellectual relationships between early modern science and the protestant Reformation (or the various individual reformations underlying it). Besides the mere structural analogies of the two reform movements and their common debt to Renaissance humanism, common elements such as the new reading of texts and the new role of the individual, but also the philosophical link between voluntarism and the notion of natural law, are discussed. However, the ambiguous attitude towards natural knowledge and the wide variety within the European protestant movement ask for a much closer look into the relationships between science and the Reformation than has been hitherto been achieved. 相似文献
67.
David Cowan 《Parliamentary History》2024,43(1):91-111
Cambridge University has been featured in a wide range of studies of the long 18th century, but few have focused exclusively on the dynamics behind its politics. This is surprising since many of the Cambridge University electors were close to leading parliamentarians. The Cambridge University constituency was contested at each of the three successive general elections from 1780 onwards until 1796. Parliamentary contests often brought Cambridge University's political tensions into focus, which is why a detailed analysis of the poll books can demonstrate how different networks within the university behaved and could define the performance of candidates for the constituency. The relationships between the chancellors, vice-chancellors, high stewards, university officers, college heads, fellows, senate members and members of parliament who collectively made up the leadership are fundamental to understanding the electorate of Cambridge University. These relationships, in terms of friendships, alliances and rivalries, also influenced political and patronage networks within the university. William Pitt the Younger's success in changing the political complexion of Cambridge University is part of the broader realignment in British politics during the final two decades of the 18th century. Under the pressure of these events, Whig unity would come to an end as new divisions between ministerialists and reformers emerged. The experience of Cambridge University can shed light on the national shifts as well as how electioneering was carried out in the university parliamentary constituencies. 相似文献
68.
Harry A. M. Snelders 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》1995,18(2):67-78
Dutch science flourished in the late sixteenth and in the seventeenth century thanks to the immigration of cartographers, botanists, mathematicians, astronomers and the like from the Southern Netherlands after the Spanish army had captured the city of Antwerp in 1585, and thanks to the religious and the socio-economic situation of the country. A strong impulse for practical scientific activities started from the Reformation, mainly thanks to its anti-traditional attitude, which had an anti-rationalistic tendency. Therefore, in the Northern Netherlands there was no ‘warfare’ between science and religion and the biblical arguments leading to Galileo's condemnation were not used. Although the growth of the exact sciences and of technology in the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries in Protestant cirles may be partly attributed to the expansion of trade, industry, navigation and so on, this does not explain why there was also at the same time a great interest in subjects as botany and zoology, which had no immediate economic utility. There were discussions about Copernicanism and Cartesianism. So a number of astronomers and theologians rejected the earth's movement on scientific and religious grounds, but there were also those who did not reject the Copernican system on biblical grounds. In the seventeenth century there was much discussion between science and religion in the Northern Netherlands, but that discussion was not followed by censure by the Church of the State. In the Republic there was a large amount of intellectual freedom in the study of the natural sciences, thanks to practical and ideological considerations. In the eighteenth century the seventheenth century tension between science and religion changed into a physicotheological natural science. It was believed that investigations into the workings of nature should lead to a better understanding of its Creator. So Bernard Nieuwentijt in his well-known book: The right use of-world views for the conviction of atheists and unbelievers (1715) intended to prove the existence of God on the basis of teleological arguments. 相似文献
69.
This article asks how the 25 January 2011 revolution in Egypt led to the entrenchment of existing forms of privilege and marginality. To answer this question, critical scholars have taken for granted the revolution's linear temporality and focused largely on institutional processes at the state level following the fall of President Hosni Mubarak. In contrast, I provide an original take on this question through extensive ethnographic engagement, focusing on moments of rupture and urban spaces of contestation at the time of the revolution and beyond. More specifically, I trace the significance of an understudied moment during the revolution: the ‘Battle of the Camel’, when horse/camel drivers who sell rides to tourists at the Pyramids charged at protestors in Tahrir Square. An ethnography of this moment allows me to draw out the complex temporalities of the revolution by recognizing diverse moments of contestation by marginalized subjects at its different ‘stages’. This article traces how these alternative temporalities were driven but also obscured by longer-term patterns of tourism and urban development. It finds that relations of power and marginality were reproduced through tourism and elite Egyptian visions of temporality and authenticity in the key urban spaces relevant to this battle – the Pyramids of Giza and Tahrir Square. These sites were positioned as spaces of Egypt's ‘authentic’ past and future respectively, reinforcing a colonial and neoliberal narrative of development that made possible the protection of tourism and elite priorities and the remarginalization of ‘underdeveloped’ camel drivers and street vendors in these sites. 相似文献
70.
Minchul Kim 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(3):344-369
This article examines the political thought of Pierre-Antoine Antonelle, a prominent democrat during the French Revolution. In pamphlets and newspaper articles between 1795 and 1799 he put forth an elaborate theory of ‘representative democracy’ which was a novel and radical vision of political reform and republican international order. His political and economic plan for a democratic future was focused on conceptualizing a realistic transition path to a genuinely republican society. In the wake of historians who pointed out the existence and importance of the idea of ‘representative democracy’ during the Directory, this article delves into the content of this idea by placing it in the context of Antonelle and his fellow travellers’ political struggle to consolidate the Republic while avoiding both anarchy and aristocracy. 相似文献