辛亥年间同盟会员在伦敦活动补录

李晓生所遗手稿以补录形式记载了辛亥年间同盟会员在伦敦活动的数事：孙中山亲绘青天白日国徽且坚持采用青天白日旗、会员杨笃生投海自杀善后、吴稚晖说服孙中山撰文通电推袁、孙中山与吴稚晖因拟调解电而起争执以及李晓生本人在伦敦的活动等。手稿所录数事补充、丰富了现有文献对同盟会过英会员在这段非常时期的活动记载。     

50年来中国大陆对辛亥革命的纪念与评价

新中国建立 5 0年以来 ,每逢十年一次党和国家以最高规格举行纪念辛亥革命的活动 ,成为全国的重要活动 ,是全国政治生活中的大事。像这样 5 0年一贯进行的政治生活中的大事 ,只有中华人民共和国国庆、中国共产党生日可以与之相比拟。肯定辛亥革命的历史意义是纪念辛亥革命的一个理由 ,但不是惟一的理由。把纪念辛亥革命和祖国统一的现实任务紧密结合起来 ,和建立中华民族最广泛的统一战线联系起来 ,这是现实的政治需要 ,这就是现实的政治。辛亥革命不仅仅是 2 0世纪初期的一次革命运动 ,一次重大的政治事件 ,辛亥革命以其本身的魅力影响了整个 2 0世纪中国的历史进程 ,积淀了近代以来中华民族的革命传统和文化传统 ,成为团结和凝聚中华民族力量的一个重要源泉。由辛亥革命所凝固起来的这样的民族精神是永远需要发扬的     

“共和”与“民主”的趋同——美国革命时期对“共和政体”的重新界定

在美国革命时期,"共和"这一古老政治词汇的含义发生了重大变化。美国建国者参照各种政治理论和历史经验,结合他们所处社会的特点,不仅成功建立了一种新型政体,而且为它做了全面的辩护和诠释,从而完成了对"共和政体"的重新界定。这种新型的共和政体,不再是"人民"与贵族分享权力的混合政体,而是完全建立在"人民主权"基础上的代表制政体,它的社会基础、价值取向和适应范围都发生了深刻变化,与古典共和理念之间形成了明显的差异。与此同时,"民主"的概念也得以扩充,"人民"通过代表制行使政治权力的政府,与"人民"亲自掌握权力的政府一样,都可以叫做"民主"。这两个交错并行的观念转化过程,不仅塑造了现代意义上的"共和"与"民主"的概念,而且使得两个原本含义不同的政体名称,最终变成了同义词。     

Reversing the view of ‘political pilgrims’: re-examining Italian travelogues about China in the 1950s

Scholars often consider the mostly positive representations of China by Italian visitors in the 1950s as the false and embellished depictions of political pilgrims. This article challenges this oversimplified interpretation. Based on evidence from commonly cited travel accounts, this article argues that Italian writers’ leftist political sympathies did not necessarily lead to self-censorship or intentional embellishment of China, nor did the host country’s control and surveillance over foreigners simply make Italian visitors willing to cooperate or produce positive feedback. Putting these travel accounts in their social and historical contexts, the article shows that Italian intellectuals’ positive representations of China in the 1950s, as well as the severe criticisms that were raised in the 1960s and 1970s, were rooted in reality and reflected the radical changes in Chinese society and Sino-Italian relations over the course of the Maoist era (1949–1976).     

Cultural policy and revolutionary music during China’s Cultural Revolution: the case of the Shanghai Symphony Orchestra

This paper examines the relation between the cultural policy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the music of model plays (yangbanxi 样板戏), especially music produced by Western symphony orchestras, during the ten-year Cultural Revolution in China. It takes the Shanghai Symphony Orchestra (SSO) as the focal point of this historical episode. Model plays of the Cultural Revolution promoted communist and revolutionary themes. All aspects of their performance were examined for conformity to Maoist thought. This paper explores how the CCP’s ideology and its cultural policy were embodied in revolutionary music, using one of the model plays, Taking Tiger Mountain by Strategy, as an analytical case study. Most of the historical materials cited in this research are held by the SSO Archive. The SSO played a crucial role in creating and performing the music for Taking Tiger Mountain by Strategy. The academic value of its archive has long been overlooked. This paper provides a new perspective on the Cultural Revolution, one viewed through policies of a Western symphony orchestra, and it suggests that scholars apply the term ‘cultural policy’ more deliberately in future studies of the Chinese Cultural Revolution.     

‘A Young Tory’? The Early Parliamentary Career of Charles James Fox 1768–74

This article seeks to redress the neglect, even by his biographers, of Fox's early career, when he made over 250 speeches in the house of commons in six years. The period when young Fox supported government was an inappropriate prelude to his later fame as opponent of Prime Minister Pitt and champion of ‘liberal causes’. He was anything but a ‘man of the people’ in his authoritarian attitude and detestation of popular opinion, and yet there were signs that he would not be an administration man in the mould of his father, Henry Fox.     

1966～1976年的上海职业人口

“文化大革命”期间,上海的职工人数增长了127．14万人。这主要是因为20世纪50年代生育高峰期的人口,每年以20万人以上的规模,从非在业状态转向在业状态。上海全民单位的职工主要来源于毕业生(高达72．28％)和复退军人,其他人员皆因“身份羁绊”难有机缘。这一期间,因上海从事第二产业人数及比重持续上升,终于使上海失去了金融、贸易等城市型经济功能,从一个综合型城市转变为生产型城市,并造成城市布局混乱、交通拥挤、工业区与居民区杂处等一系列影响人们生活的社会矛盾和困难。     

对大革命时期党的军事运动历史地位的再认识

在大革命时期,中国共产党对武装斗争及革命军队在中国革命中的作用等一系列重要军事理论问题进行了大量的探索;通过黄埔军校、国民革命军、国民军、苏联以及工农运动等多种途径与方式,培养和储备了一大批军政人才;通过东征、北伐等一系列的军事行动,积累了丰富的军队管理和指挥的实际经验。这些从军事理论、军事人才以及军事实践上为党在大革命失败后立即创建人民军队、独立开展人民革命战争打下了基础。因此,大革命时期是党创建人民军队的重要准备阶段。大革命时期的军事运动是中国共产党武装斗争史的发端,它对人民军队的创建,对土地革命战争、抗日战争、解放战争都产生了深远影响,有力地推动了中国革命胜利的进程。     

Erfahrung und Vorurteil im naturwissenschaftlichen Denken Johannes Keplers

The change from ancient and medieval to modern natural science, called Wende (instead of ‘revolution’), must be associated with the work of Johannes Kepler and not that of Nicolaus Copernicus. Copernicus merely showed the way, introducing heliocentricity as the order of the planets. This Wende resulted from the synthesis of several disciplines formerly isolated from each other, namely mathematical (i.e. hypothetical) astronomy, new physics, mathematical harmony, astrology, new physical optics, and natural theology. Whereas Copernicus united mathematical astronomy and peripatetic (Aristotelian) physics, Kepler was first to see the necessity for providing a physical explanation and an ontological foundation to the heliocentric system. He was the first to consider and measure the movement of the planets in depth. The elements for his new physics Kepler obtained not from newly observed data, but from a harmonic archetypus of the regular polyhedra fitted in between excentric planetary spheres. On the basis of this archetypus (which he considered to be God's model in creating the universe) he accepted the new heliocentric planetary system as a physical reality. That is why astronomy, by way of taking into account stereometric quantities, is, in Kepler's eyes, a kind of divine worship. Later, the best empirical data had also to be taken into consideration as a means of proving this a priori archetypus (Vorurteil, preconception). The result was, on the one hand, a universal natural science able to explain natural processes in grater abundance than ever before or since in the history of science. Although accepted only in parts, it resulted in founding a new natural science with adherent mathematical and empirical methods. It also led Kepler to establish, step by step, the elliptical path of the planets, thereby overcoming, for the first time, the two axioms of ancient astronomy, requiring uniform and circular planetary motion. It has been shown that this Keplerian Wende was possible only within the Historischen Erfahrungsraum (‘historical field of experience’) of Renaissance Humanism (cf. this Journal 9/1986, p. 201), which came about itself as the result of reactivating the scientific and philosophical thinking of the ancient Greeks and was accomplished by three steps (phases) relating to the revival of (1) original ancient writings, (2) the ancient knowledge of natural facts and data, and (3) the ancient scientific and philosophical ideas and mentalities (Drei-Phasen-Modell).     

Pittite Triumph and Whig Failure in the Cambridge University Constituency, 1780–96*

Cambridge University has been featured in a wide range of studies of the long 18th century, but few have focused exclusively on the dynamics behind its politics. This is surprising since many of the Cambridge University electors were close to leading parliamentarians. The Cambridge University constituency was contested at each of the three successive general elections from 1780 onwards until 1796. Parliamentary contests often brought Cambridge University's political tensions into focus, which is why a detailed analysis of the poll books can demonstrate how different networks within the university behaved and could define the performance of candidates for the constituency. The relationships between the chancellors, vice-chancellors, high stewards, university officers, college heads, fellows, senate members and members of parliament who collectively made up the leadership are fundamental to understanding the electorate of Cambridge University. These relationships, in terms of friendships, alliances and rivalries, also influenced political and patronage networks within the university. William Pitt the Younger's success in changing the political complexion of Cambridge University is part of the broader realignment in British politics during the final two decades of the 18th century. Under the pressure of these events, Whig unity would come to an end as new divisions between ministerialists and reformers emerged. The experience of Cambridge University can shed light on the national shifts as well as how electioneering was carried out in the university parliamentary constituencies.