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11.
在实地调查的基础上,根据传世典籍和出土文献的记载,结合年代测定、考古发现和遥感影像资料,通过空间分析,作者认为唐玉门关和墨离军驻地应在河西走廊西段的常乐故城,即今瓜州县“六工古城”遗址。这里是丝绸之路的交通枢纽,是西域出入口的重要关卡,亦即北魏时期新开伊吾道的起首。唐代玉门关地处疏勒河和榆林河下游洪积冲积扇缘的古绿洲,地貌和水资源等地理环境因素是制约关城选址的基础条件,而政治、军事等人文地理因素则是决定玉门关时空变迁的关键。  相似文献   
12.
在明代,由于水患频发和长江主泓变动等原因,湖广武昌府城沿江江岸屡屡崩陷,当地政府遂启动江岸修筑工程。考诸史志,明代武昌府城的江岸修筑主要约有四次,分别是正统七年(1442)、成化三年(1467)、万历十七年(1589)和万历三十四年(1606)。最终修成的江岸,自武昌府城南门望山门外(今武昌解放路南端解放桥附近)起,向西折至江边,又沿江边中经黄鹤矶向下游延伸至坛角地区(今武昌和平大道武汉工人文化宫以西),长约5公里。这条堤岸确定了武昌城沿江江岸的基线,将武昌城的城市空间扩展到江边,并延续至今。  相似文献   
13.
我国区域经济地理学科的创新与发展   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:3  
王荣成  张英 《人文地理》2002,17(2):94-96
本文认为随着世界政治经济格局的深刻变化和世界经济一体化、区域集团化的飞速发展,区域经济地理学作为我国地理科学中的一门年轻学科,正处于深刻的变革之中。在新的21世纪中,学科发展面临着重大挑战,同时也面临着发展的重要机遇,要实现学科的创新与发展,关键在于如何深刻认识与处理学科发展面临的相关学科的挑战、继承与创新、理论与实践相结合等几个重大问题。最后,本文提出了区域经济地理学科的四个发展趋势。  相似文献   
14.

An experiment was conducted to compare student achievement under two differing instructional strategies: a small-group and computer-aided strategy versus lecture instruction. Evaluation was extended in several ways beyond comparison of overall student scores. Results show significant improvements in student achievement produced by the computer-aided strategy with reference to gender, ethnicity and levels of cognitive learning. The study concludes that experimental evaluations of CAI serve best as formative tools to match instructional strategies to specific types of content material and different types of students, and that instructional media are best evaluated along with the instructional method in which they are embedded.  相似文献   
15.
This paper explores the career of Ruth Taylor White, an American cartographic illustrator who published a significant number of pictorial maps from the 1920s into the 1940s. Taylor White’s ‘cartographs’ (as she called them) were characterized by her signature bobble-headed cartoon characters who romped through colourful, attractive landscapes. These visually rich and highly narrative maps simultaneously strove for accuracy and engaged in profound stereotyping with regard to culture, race, gender and class. They reveal not only the aesthetic and conceptual preferences of their maker but also the cultural biases of their middle-class, white American audience.  相似文献   
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17.
This paper provides an introduction to a special feature of the Journal of Historical Geography devoted to recent research, by French scholars, on the relations between French geography, colonialism and the mapping of colonial boundaries, with particular reference to Africa between the late nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries.  相似文献   
18.
Historical investigation of arid landscapes and communities in the American West has long focused on the pivotal influence of federal reclamation policy, typically characterizing its implementation as the application of scientific and technological methods to a variety of water resource management issues. This paper departs from traditional views of reclamation by highlighting the highly variable and contingent ways in which new science-based forms of water management were proposed and negotiated in specific local places with particular cultural, legal, and historical geographies. Drawing theoretically from literature on the ‘geography of science,’ the paper probes the ways in which authority for a scientific approach to water management was created, negotiated, and expressed in local and regional contexts in the Territory of New Mexico, where authoritative systems of practical resource use and administration had been in long use before the U.S. government initiated its federal water reclamation program in 1902. Specifically, the paper examines two disputes entered and argued in front of northern New Mexico’s Rio Arriba District Dourt between 1903 and 1905. By departing from the geographical and scalar perspectives typically applied to environmental histories of the West and its reclamation landscapes, this ‘microgeographical’ approach promises a fresh perspective that emphasizes the highly contingent ways in which science-based water policy was implemented in multiple and complex environments.  相似文献   
19.
We present the combination of an analysis of resource demand by the early post-contact (1721) Cherokee population with spatially explicit estimates of production for five key resources: architectural land, agricultural land, firewood, hard mast, and white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus). We combine a recent synthesis of village location and population, a map of recognized Cherokee territory, digital terrain data, estimates of per capita demand, and productive capacity for each resource. Average, high, and low demands were estimated for each resource and assigned based on a weighted function of terrain and distance from each village. We conclude that Cherokee demands for architectural and agricultural land, hard mast, and fuelwood were easily met within a short proximity to each town under all combinations of production and demand. These resources were likely not limiting, and were satisfied for the entire Cherokee population by less than 1% of the entire recognized Cherokee territory in 1721. These resources likely exceeded demand even when sources were restricted to the convex hull of the Cherokee territory, or to near stream, flat regions. Deer resources were likely harvested over a much larger area and to a much greater extent. Our best estimate of deer resource demand was 32% of annual sustainable production in the Cherokee territory, with from 16 to 48% of estimated sustainable production harvested for low and high demand estimates, respectively. Our estimates vary in response to uncertainties in deer production, harvest proportion, deer density, and sustainable harvest rates. Deer demand was substantially higher under all combinations of conditions than that available within the convex hull of Cherokee villages, indicating significant travel was needed to furnish deer requirements. Spatially explicit models that consider terrain- and distance-related tradeoffs suggest that Cherokee demand for deer drove harvest over areas consisting of over half the recognized Cherokee territory.  相似文献   
20.
公元前110年,西汉王朝在海南岛设珠崖、儋耳二郡,标志着海南岛被正式纳入王朝的版图。公元前46年,汉罢珠崖郡,以朱卢都尉属合浦郡。此后的580余年,海南岛或保留县级机构,或以海南岛属合浦郡徐闻县。南北朝时的梁王朝在海南岛设珠崖郡。从此,历代王朝在海南岛又重新恢复郡制。  相似文献   
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