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81.
This is an invited to response to K. Ryan’s comments on Coltrain et al. (2004) and Coltrain (2009). Both publications present stable isotope data and AMS radiocarbon dates on a suite of eastern Arctic burials from three sites in north-western Hudson Bay. In these articles, we examined the importance of bowhead whaling among Thule foragers at Silimiut and Kamarvik and contrasted their subsistence strategies with those of the proto-historic Sadlermiut, using the stable and radio-isotope chemistry of purified bone collagen to monitor variability in resource acquisition over time. Ryan dismisses a Dorset-era radiocarbon date on a burial collected by Collins from the T-1 site asserting that a single radiocarbon measurement is not a reliable indicator of age and thus the burial is Sadlermiut not Dorset. She also contests our assessment that two historic-era individuals in the Sadlermiut mortuary assemblage were either European or consumed diets relatively high in European foods. Ryan further argues that our reconstruction of protohistoric Sadlermiut diets is not in keeping with the archaeofaunal record. Her primary concern is a perceived lack of agreement between a subset of our findings and the archaeological record.  相似文献   
82.
    
A large, fossilised crocodilian metatarsal has been recovered from the Pliocene Bluff Downs Local Fauna exhibiting proliferative bone growth consistent with an episode of osteoperiostitis, possibly resulting from trauma. The nature and location of this trauma suggests that it may have occurred as a result of intraspecific aggression between rival animals. Three crocodilian genera have been recovered from the Bluff Downs Fauna, Crocodylus, Quinkana and Pallimnarchus. The metatarsal does not conform to Crocodylus porosus and therefore most probably represents one of the other two known crocodilian taxa. The nature of the injury suggests that it occurred in water and it may belong to the now extinct Plio-Pleistocene Pallimnarchus rather than Quinkana babarra which is interpreted as being predominantly terrestrial.  相似文献   
83.
    
In 1847, American painter George Catlin completed a series of paintings depicting La Salle's travels through North America, ostensibly at the request of King Louis-Philippe. This article argues that the La Salle series is an unusually coherent statement by Catlin about the value of the American wilderness and Native American culture for white America. A close examination of the paintings and Catlin's writing exposes the La Salle series as a reclamation project in which Catlin sought to rescue an imagined “pure” past at contact and preserve it in paint in order to make it available and useful to the present.  相似文献   
84.
The goal of this project is to provide additional data and statistical analyses for differentiating between prehistoric/historic Native American remains and modern forensic cases that may be potentially confusing. Forensic anthropologists often receive requests from local law enforcement to infer whether skeletal remains are of forensic or non‐forensic significance. Skeletal remains of non‐forensic significance are commonly of Native American ancestry, but the empirical methods common for determining Native American affinity from skeletal remains have not been established for California prehistoric/historic Native Americans. Therefore, forensic anthropologists working in California lack empirical methods for not only identifying prehistoric California Native American remains, but also differentiating them from modern/forensic populations whose skeletal attributes are similar. In particular, skeletal remains of Latin American US immigrants of indigenous origins are becoming more present in the forensic anthropological laboratory, and can exhibit the same suite of skeletal traits classically used to identify Native American affinity. In this article, we initiate an investigation into this issue by analyzing both craniometric and morphoscopic data using a range of statistical methods for differentiating prehistoric Northern California Native Americans from modern Guatemalan Maya. Our discriminant analyses results indicate that by using nine craniometric variables, group classification is 87% correct. In addition, seven morphoscopic variables can predict group classification correctly for 77% of the sample. The results suggest that it is possible to differentiate between our two samples. Such a method contributes to the efficient and empirical determination of temporal and geographic affinity, allowing for the repartriation of Native American remains to their tribes, as well as the accurate analysis of forensically significant remains. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
85.
    
C. Mizota  T. Yamanaka 《Archaeometry》2015,57(6):1095-1103
The objective of the present study is to employ stable isotope ratio measurements (δ15N, δ34S and δ13C) of the nitrogen, sulphur and carbon in black powder (a mixture of saltpetre, native sulphur and charcoal) as a means of source identification. A sum total of 20 samples of historical black powder applicable to matchlocks were collected from six locations throughout Japan. This classic type of hand gun prevailed up to the introduction of the modern rifles, with quicker loading and higher efficiency, in the mid‐to‐late 19th century. δ13Ccharcoal carbon values showed the predominant use of C3 plants as a source material. Except for a few unusual samples with a probable exotic origin, δ15Nsaltpetre nitrogen values were largely consistent with those of domestic products using classical biotechnology. The isotopic analysis for native sulphur (δ34Snative sulphur) indicates a complicated marketing route.  相似文献   
86.
    
Influential arguments have been advanced in Australian archaeology concerning the origins and development of social and economic change in the mid‐late Holocene (Lourandos 1997). One example used to support this claim is the perceived existence of ceremonial feasting events held in the semi‐arid and rugged sandstone gorge systems of central Queensland, attended by large groups of people for extended periods, and underwritten by large quantities of kernels from the cycad Macrozamia moorei (Beaton 1977, 1982; see also Lourandos 1997). However the re‐examination of the macrobotanical evidence from archaeological sites in this region using taphonomic analysis, replicative processing experiments, recalculations of seed density and estimations of the minimum numbers of seeds, does not support this model. This re‐examination questions the role of Macrozamia seeds in the context of socio‐economic change and suggests new interpretations of Macrozamia resource use.  相似文献   
87.
Taking a historical ethnomusicological approach, this article argues that shipboard and plantation music and dance practices cast new light on the ways South Sea Islanders (SSI) acted out agency and asserted new identities as they became tangled up in the dynamics of colonial encounters. Trading ships started to operate in Melanesia in the 1840s and island men were quickly attracted to the nautical life. Contact with the West brought opportunity but also exploitation when in 1863 the recruitment of Islanders for farm and plantation work in Queensland began. As they ventured into the unknown on recruiting ships, Islanders engaged in performance in order to establish cross-societal bonds with villagers from islands other than their own, and also with European sailors and settlers. Experimenting with any and all modes of sound making, SSI looked to music as a source of enjoyment and a means of individual and collective self-advancement. They took instruments, repertoire items, and gramophones back to their home islands as evidence of their familiarity with the wider world, and as creative resources to employ in the changing times ahead of them. Those who remained in Queensland at the beginning of the 20th century faced the challenge of how to integrate and indigenize the new musical ideas, and transform them into life – and community-sustaining expressions.  相似文献   
88.
ABSTRACT

Under both Canadian and United States law, the availability and quality of healthcare and health services to Indigenous peoples are primarily a federal responsibility. Nevertheless, sub-national authorities—most importantly provinces, states, and territories—play a crucial role by virtue of covering (often through federal mandate) services, and regulating health facilities and health personnel off-reserv(ation). While both federal governments have undertaken efforts to transfer, within their fiduciary obligations, their responsibilities for Indigenous peoples’ health to the management of Indigenous peoples themselves, that transfer has considered or included provincial, state, and territorial authorities and resources unevenly, and, in some cases, in tension with the objectives of respecting standards for quality and access. This article applies the methodology used by Canadian researchers of the sub-national health authority issue to the health transfer experience in the United States. The article summarizes findings that demonstrate similar deficiencies as those present in the Canadian transfer process. The article further outlines the experiences of Hawai`i and Ontario as offering models through which to address some of these deficiencies. The article finally suggests that there is a positive relationship between greater participatory models adopted by provinces, states, and territories and better health outcomes among Indigenous groups so included.  相似文献   
89.
Over much of the nineteenth century, recurring problems of covert and opportunistic conflict between settlers and Indigenous peoples produced considerable debate across the British settler world about how frontier violence could be legally curbed. At the same time, the difficulty of imposing a rule of law on new frontiers was often seen by colonial states as justification for the imposition of order through force. Examining all the mainland Australian colonies from the 1830s to the end of the nineteenth century, this paper asks how this contradictory dilemma played out through deployment of ‘native police’ and the ‘civilising’ role of legalised violence as a strategy for managing the settler frontier. In light of wider debate about a humanely administered empire, Australia’s first native police force established in New South Wales in 1837 was conceived as a measure that would assist in the conciliation and ‘amelioration’ of Aboriginal people. In the coming decades, other Australian colonies employed native police either as dedicated forces or as individual assistants attached to mounted police detachments. Over time, the capacity they held to impose extreme violence on Aboriginal populations in the service of protecting pastoral investments came to reflect an implicit acceptance that punitive measures were required to bring order to disorderly frontiers.

By tracing a gradual shift in the perceived role of native police from one of ‘civilising’ Aboriginal people to one of ‘civilising’ the settler state itself, this paper draws out some of the conditions under which state-sanctioned force became naturalised and legitimated. It concludes that, as an instrument of frontier management, native policing reflected an enduring problem for Australia’s colonial governments in reconciling a legal obligation to treat Aboriginal people as subjects of the crown with a perceived requirement to bring them under colonial authority through the ‘salutary lessons’ of legalised violence.  相似文献   

90.
This brief article offers a panoramic view of Álvaro Félix Bolaños's intellectual and academic trajectory. It emphasizes his ethical beliefs and practices and his solidarity with the indigenous peoples of the Americas.  相似文献   
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