首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   314篇
  免费   3篇
  2024年   3篇
  2023年   1篇
  2022年   10篇
  2021年   12篇
  2020年   12篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   10篇
  2017年   11篇
  2016年   6篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   5篇
  2013年   32篇
  2012年   19篇
  2011年   26篇
  2010年   16篇
  2009年   17篇
  2008年   18篇
  2007年   24篇
  2006年   23篇
  2005年   12篇
  2004年   11篇
  2003年   8篇
  2002年   11篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   3篇
  1992年   1篇
排序方式: 共有317条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):373-380
Abstract

Investigating how Christians best understand their political role on the receiving side of political authority, the essay revisits the older "citizens versus subject" debate and presents exegetical, doctrinal and historical considerations that suggest keep this tension alive instead of seeking to dissolve it on either side. The author argues that the peculiar interweaving of "citizen" and "subject" traditions characterizes the Christian attitude towards political authority from the outset. This is demonstrated by a fresh reading of Romans 13 in which the arguably "conservative" origin of Christian political thought is shown to bear clear, albeit often overlooked, marks of a genuine "citizen" ethics. Extemporising on Luther's commentary on Romans 13, the essay demonstrates how the idea of a Christian as "subject-as-citizen" is rooted in a theological refusal to compartmentalize the human existence into separate spheres of authority As "embodied soul" the Christian responds to political authority in a way that engages the human being in all its faculties, simultaneously free and bound. The essay concludes by suggesting that the crucial shift in the more recent history of political thought can be explained more readily as a shift from this theologically motivated duality towards a monochrome political voluntarism that insisted a citizen's submission to political rule could be conceived as essentially submission to one's own will.  相似文献   
112.

The current 'hollowing out' and devolution of the national welfare state produces new spaces for the local welfare state, theoretically allowing more leeway to dismantle, privatize, further devolve, or even experiment with new local bureaucratic structures. At the same time, national devolution places greater burdens on local resources. Over the past twenty years, a series of theoretical frameworks have been proposed to understand local welfare strategies under these concomitant opportunities and pressures, including street-level bureaucracy, shadow and workfare states. Despite the usefulness of these frameworks, they have rarely been applied to the long-term evolution of specific local programmes. A particularly glaring omission is General Assistance (GA), which constitutes a major component of many local welfare states. To address this gap, we examine the past twenty years of General Relief (GR) policies in Los Angeles County. GR is a locally funded mandatory programme that provides aid of last resort for indigent individuals. In the face of exploding demand and rising expenditures, and unable to directly eliminate the programme, the County employed a variety of strategies designed to ration services and depress demand. In the 1980s, these strategies were articulated through low-level and indirect bureaucratic disentitlements, including quality control and spatial consolidation. By the 1990s, the County took a more direct route, cutting benefits in 1993 and imposing time-limits and workfare in 1997. Despite severe constraints, the evolution of GR strategies in Los Angeles County does suggest the emergence of genuinely new regulatory spaces, including a diminution of outlays, counter-balanced by the increasing micro-management of clients and the materialization of a workfare and even shadow state. At present, the local welfare state in Los Angeles County combines the convolution of Franz Kafka with the misery of Charles Dickens. While our review goes some way in redressing the critical lack of local case studies, there remains a need to investigate instances of new local regulatory spaces, to understand in depth the engagement of various strategies, mechanisms and even resistance. Le démantèlement courant de l'Etat-providence à l'échelle nationale cède la place à de nouveaux services sociaux à l'échelle locale, ouvrant en théorie la voie à la privatisation, la réorganisation et l'expérmentation de nouvelles structures bureaucratiques. Toutefois, le démantèlement du système national impute un plus grand fardeau aux ressources locales. Au cours des vingt dernières années, plusieurs cadres théoriques ont été proposés afin de comprendre les stratégies locales de distribution de services sociaux face à ces pressions et opportunités, incluant les concepts de bureaucracie de rue et 'workfare state.' Malgré que ces cadres d'analyse soient utiles, ils ont rarement servi à étudier l'évolution à long terme de programmes locaux spécifiques. Ce manque est particulièrement flagrant en ce qui a trait à l'Assistance Générale ('General Assistance', GA) qui constitue un élément majeur de beaucoup de services sociaux locaux. Afin de corriger cette lacune, nous analysons les vingt dernières années de politiques économiques et sociales reliées au Secours Général ('General Relief', GR) dans le comté de Los Angeles. GR est un programme obligatoire distribuant une aide de dernier recours aux personnes sans resource. Face à une demande et des coûts grandissants et pourtant incapable d'éliminer directement le programme, le comté mit en pratique une série de tactiques dans le but de rationner les services et faire baisser la demande. Dans les années 1980, ces tactiques furent déployées par le biais de droits bureaucratiques, incluant contrôle de la qualité et consolidation spatiale. Dès les années 1990 le comté adopta des moyens plus directs, coupant les allocations en 1993 et imposant des échéances et programmes de support à l'emploi (workfare) en 1997. Malgré ces sévères contraintes, l'évolution des stratégies de secours général dans le comté de Los Angeles indique l'émergence de nouveaux espaces régulatoires - incluant la diminution des dépenses - dont le contrepoids est la présence grandissante de 'micro-gérance' des clients et la matérialisation de l'aide à l'emploi et de l'ombre étatique. Au moment présent, l'Etat-providence local dans le comté de Los Angeles est à mi-chemin entre les circonvolutions de Franz Kafka et la misère de Charles Dickens. Si notre survol cherche à corriger le manque critique d'études locales, le besoin demeure présent d'investiguer les exemples de nouveaux espaces régulatoires afin de comprendre à fond le chevauchement des différentes stratégies, mécanismes et résistances. La 'excavación' y la delegación actuales del estado de bienestar nacional producen nuevos espacios para el estado de bienestar local, lo cual, en teoría, permite el desmontaje, la privatización y más delegación de la burocracia local o hasta la oportunidad de experimentar con nuevas estructuras de burocracia local. Al mismo tiempo, delegación nacional consume limitados recursos existentes en el ámbito local. En los últimos veinte años han sido propuestos una serie de marcos teoréticos para mejor entender las estratégicas de bienestar local implementadas bajo estas oportunidades y presiones concomitantes, incluso la burocracia al nivel de la calle, y los 'workfare states'. A pesar de la utilidad de estos marcos, raras veces han sido aplicados a la evolución a largo plazo de específicas programas locales. Una omisión destacable es General Assistance (Asistencia General), lo cual constituye un componente importante de muchos estados de bienestar locales. Con el fin de cerrar esta brecha, examinamos las políticas de General Relief (GR) (Ayuda General) de los últimos veinte años en Los Angeles County. GR es un programa mandatario, elaborado con fondos locales y que proporciona ayuda en último caso a individuos indigentes. En vista de la aumentando demanda y los gastos incrementados, y sin la autoridad de eliminar el programa de forma directa, el County empleó varias estratégicas con el fin de racionar sus servicios y hacer bajar la demanda. En los años 80, estas estratégicas fueron articuladas por desautorizaciones burocráticas, a bajo nivel e indirectas, y que incluían control de calidad y consolidacio´n espacial. En los años 90, el County tomó una ruta más directa; redujo subsidios en 1993 e impuso límites-temporales y 'workfare' en 1997. A pesar de las severas restricciones, la evolución de las estratégicas de GR en Los Angeles County sugiere la aparición de espacios reguladores verdaderamente nuevos, incluso una disminución de desembolsos, contrapesada con un aumento en el micro-manejo de clientes y la materialización de un 'workfare' o hasta 'shadow state'. Actualmente, el estado de bienestar en Los Angeles County combina la circunvolución de Franz Kafka con la miseria de Charles Dickens. Mientras que nuestra crítica compensa, hasta cierto punto, la carencia tan grave de estudios de casos locales, todavía hace falta una investigación de ejemplos de nuevos espacios reguladores locales, para profundizar nuestro conocimiento del empleo de varias estratégicas, mecanismos y hasta resistencia.  相似文献   
113.
ABSTRACT

Following the devastation of the northern Iraqi city of Mosul by the Islamic State (IS), UNESCO launched a project to ‘Revive the Spirit of Mosul’. This article critically reflects on this UNESCO-led project, drawing on 47 interviews with Syrians and Iraqis, as well as documenting the implications of UNESCO’s efforts in earlier (post-)conflict heritage reconstruction projects in the Balkans, Afghanistan and Mali. Specifically, this article focuses on two sites in Mosul, both deliberately destroyed by the IS and both nominated by UNESCO for reconstruction. The data analysed reveal that heritage reconstruction projects, especially in complex (post-)conflict environments such as Iraq, requires ongoing, nuanced and careful engagement with local populations to succeed. Failure to do so leaves both local people and their heritage sites vulnerable to renewed attacks and therefore ultimately undermines UNESCO’s broader mission to foster peace.  相似文献   
114.
In 1992, Pasquale Galasso, a Camorra superboss, revealed many intricate secrets about the Neapolitan Camorra. This led to revelations from other pentiti (criminals turned state witnesses), allowing an insight for the first time into the Neapolitan Camorra from the insider's point of view. Understanding why individuals join a criminal organization, the Camorra in particular, is one of the questions addressed in this article. Using primary sources and an 'interaction model' based on the interplay of agency and structure, it studies the impact of Neapolitan criminal culture on an individual's life choices in the 1950s, and compares these with the 1980s and 1990s. It concludes that while in the 1950s criminal values were emerging as an ethos and had a somewhat limited impact on individuals, by the 1980s this ethos had become a clear 'subculture', an 'ideology' which had a pervasive influence on the life choices of many young Neapolitans. Nel 1992, Pasquale Galasso, super boss della Camorra, rivelÒ parecchi segreti sulle cosche napoletanc. La sua disponibilitÀ a collaborare spinse altri pentiti a seguire il suo csempio. CiÒ consentì per la prima volta di conoscere in maniera più approfondita la Camorra tramite le rivelazioni di alcuni dei suoi membri. Pertanto, i motivi per cui si sceglie di entrare nella Camorra è una fra le questioni analizzate nel presente articolo. Attraverso l'uso di fonti primarie e di un modello interattivo caratterizzato da una combinazione tra capacitÀ decisionale e struttura organizzativa, l'articolo sviluppa una analisi comparativa sull'impatto di una cultura criminale napoletana nei confronti delle scelte di singoli individui negli anni cinquanta, ottanta e novanta. Le conclusioni di questo studio sottolineano che, sebbene negli anni cinquanta una cultura criminale stava acquisendo un valore etico, essa aveva una influenza minima sulle scelte comportamentali dei singoli soggetti; mentre dagli anni ottanta era ormai divenuta una subcultura, una ideologia che aveva prodotto un impatto notevole sulle scelte di vita di molti giovani napoletani.  相似文献   
115.
Abstract

The authors explain how the newly created thematic portals can be used to facilitate digital research in Italian state archives.  相似文献   
116.
本文针对目前史学界多将渤海建国伊始称之为“震国”或“振国”的现象进行了探讨。根据中外文献及考古资料 ,作者认为渤海建国之初的国号应为“国” ,而“震国”或“振国”只能是它的俗称。  相似文献   
117.
本文认为 ,蒙古汗国是在兼并草原诸部的基础上 ,按游牧民族传统建立起来的 ,具有浓厚的家产制政治特点。这体现在国家分封制结构和汗位继承方式上。忽必烈虽然打败了阿里不哥 ,但作为全蒙古大汗 ,他的地位并没有得到全体宗亲的承认 ,拖雷系与窝阔台系以及拖雷系内部的阿里不哥裔、蒙哥裔、忽必烈裔之间此伏彼起的斗争 ,也说明蒙古汗国分裂的事实。进而认为 ,元朝是从蒙古汗国分裂出来并经过扩张后建立的国家 ,与西方蒙古四大汗国建构历程相似。四大汗国与元朝并无宗藩从属关系。  相似文献   
118.
器又叫亚其器 ,北京、辽宁喀左一带偶有所见。本文根据器徽文的形体特征分析 ,认为它是矢镞形演变、增繁而来的人形 ,是我国古代东方夷人崇拜的箭神、射神夷羿或后羿的神象。  相似文献   
119.
I argue that despite the various ways in which Fichte separates right from morality in his 1796/97 Foundations of Natural Right, he nevertheless suggests in the writings from the period of his professorship at the University of Jena that there is a reciprocal relation between them. This requires, however, reading the Foundations of Natural Right in the light of The System of Ethics, which was published in 1798, especially the account of the ethical duties deriving from a person's membership of a profession that Fichte gives in this work. Although this approach allows us to attribute to Fichte a different conception of the state to the amoral one found in the Foundations of Natural Right, I argue that the separation of right from morality developed in this work remains valid and amounts to one of Fichte's main achievements, namely, his identification of the different dispositions that may characterize an individual's relation to the society in which he or she lives. This point is developed by comparing Fichte's amoral conception of the state to Hegel's account of civil society as the ‘state of necessity’. This does not involve an attempt to turn Fichte into Hegel but to show how the insights contained in Fichte's distinction between right and morality can be illuminated with reference to Hegel's theory of civil society and can be retained in the face of a powerful criticism that Hegel makes of the kind of contract theory of the state offered by Fichte.  相似文献   
120.
江苏丹阳葛城吴文化遗址,经勘探试掘,确认其为一座吴国城址.城址内分布有窖穴、房基、水井、水沟,城址外分布有土墩墓.遗址中出土有较丰富的陶器、石器、青铜器等吴文化遗物.通过对出土陶器分析,可将该文化遗存分为三期:早期为西周中晚期,中期为春秋前期,晚期为春秋后期,三者之间连续无缺环.经与江、浙、皖地区同类吴文化遗存对比,可推知丹阳葛城古城是目前所发现的最早、延续使用时间最长、保存状况较为完好的吴国城址.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号