汶川地震可移动文物震害研究

为探索汶川地震作用下以浮放为主的可移动文物的震害及防震措施,通过震后勘查,讨论了汶川地震造成的可移动文物的典型震害症状。从博物馆、陈列台、文物本身等三个方面,分析了可移动文物的主要震害原因和传统的防震措施的不足之处,对国内外可移动文物的先进防震技术进行了探讨,研究了其防震机理。基于国内外可移动文物防震经验,对我国可移动文物提出了防震建议。研究结果表明:汶川地震造成可移动文物震害除了地震本身因素外,文物防震措施不足是一个重要原因;为保证可移动文物的防震性能,首先应规范博物馆建筑抗震设计,其次考虑陈列台隔震技术应用,最后再考虑可移动文物与陈列台之间的可靠连接;采取先进的隔震技术对可移动文物的防震具有促进作用。     

The coloured glass of Iulia Felix

Research on the cargo of glass in the Roman ship Iulia Felix, wrecked off the town of Grado (province of Udine, North Italy) in the first half of the 3rd century AD and composed of recycling cullet carefully selected for colour and type, provided much information on Roman glass production technology. A combined approach, involving analytical, statistical, and archaeological evidence, included chemical analyses (X-ray fluorescence, electron microprobe), which indicated that the coloured samples were all soda-lime-silica in composition, with natron as flux, although cluster analysis identified many compositional groups. Comparisons among the compositional groups of the colourless glass, previously studied, and those of coloured glass showed that the production technologies of the colourless glass vessels constitute two well-defined technological end-members, also related to group types, into which those of the coloured glass samples fall. In particular, coloured glass samples—all bottles, low-status vessels—were produced with mainly beach siliceous-feldspar-calcareous sand. However, unlike the colourless type, strict control of raw materials and decolourising processes was not adopted, and recycling was also practised, as demonstrated by the Sb₂O₃, Cu and Pb patterns. In this context, a “recycling index” (RI)—[(Sb₂O₃)_X/(Sb₂O₃)_Ref] * 100—is proposed here for the first time, in order to quantify the extent of recycling of antimony colourless glass in the batch. RI is valid for glass containing abundant Sb from an end-member of colourless glass. In conclusion, although it cannot be stated unequivocally that the identified compositional trends are related to different production centres or different raw materials, the strong evidence of compositional variability among all the Iulia Felix glass samples, both colourless and coloured, supports the dispersed production model for Roman glassware and the common practice of recycling in Roman imperial times, especially for low-status vessels.     

《西京杂记》中的汉代科技史料

《西京杂记》是一部杂史类著作,对于汉代的科学技术有许多记述,有些材料曾被科技史研究者引用。本文将《西京杂记》中科技史的全部内容按照科技史的观点进行了分类,并进一步对有关机械、物理的部分内容进行了分析、探讨。     

科技手段与书画鉴定

在当今的器物学鉴定工作中,不少高科技的鉴定技术已经成功地应用于文物年代的分期断代和真伪鉴别上。但在古代书画鉴定工作中,由于其特殊性和复杂性,目前仍停留在传统的鉴定方法上。本文就运用一些必要的科学手段来证实鉴定结果进行了深入的探讨     

论先秦时期湖北地区的技术发展与文明

文章利用了新的考古资料,从新的视角出发,对先秦时期湖北地区的技术发展与当地文明的关系作了进一步的探讨,使人们对当时的技术成就的认识更为系统全面。     

当代法国田野考古发掘方法与技术

本文以在法国具体从事田野考古发掘和室内整理的工作实践为基础,结合相关国外考古书籍,对目前法国所流行的考古发掘方法与技术作一概括性介绍,并与中国当代田野考古发掘方法与技术进行了对比研究。     

中国古代采矿工程技术史研究的几个问题

采用矿山考古、模拟实验等方法,对中国古代采矿技术的起源与发展进行系统论证后,得出三个论点：一是关于中国古代采矿工程技术的历史进程,可分为萌芽期(史前时期)、形成期(商代中期)、初步发展期(西周时期)、创新期(春秋至战国中期)、充实提高期(秦汉至元代)、全面发展期(明清时期)这六个发展阶段。二是中国古代采矿工程技术有着浓重的中国特色并具独特的发展体系,其多种技术的配合,在很大程度上基于中国古代各种社会要素的综合。三是中国古代采矿技术观是一种有机的、整体和综合的“和”的技术观,“和”明白地表述了采矿技术观的本质特征。     

青铜古镜表面层富硅的考察

运用扫描电子显微镜、电子探针微量分析、X射线衍射、原子力显微镜和红外反射光谱等分析手段对16块古青铜镜残片的合金基体及表面层进行了分析比较,结果发现表面层内Cu含量低于基体,而Sn．O的含量则明显增高;表面层内有Si元素的富集,并且是以SiO_2非晶形态存在;对于不同种类的青铜镜,表面层深度不同,含Si量有差异,其表面光亮度和釉质感亦有区别。对古铜镜颜色的变化,SiO_2的保护作用及铜镜表面的加工工艺进行了分析探讨。     

The Pleistocene Later Stone Age south of the Limpopo River

The earliest Later Stone Age (LSA) industries from southern Africa are microlithic and unstandardized and include the bipolar technique. The dating of these industries is controversial and the earliest microlithic industry is said to occur at Border Cave at about 39,000 B.P. By 18,000 B.P. a bladelet tradition was established and this was replaced in many parts of southern Africa, at about 12,000 B.P., by a widespread and prolific nonmicrolithic industry, characterized by side-struck flakes. The late Pleistocene environment was colder than present, with particularly harsh conditions during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), between about 20,000 and 18,000 B.P. Populations may have been isolated because archaeological visibility is low during the LGM and decreases further after the LGM. After 13,000 B.P. there is a dramatic increase in sites and this implies that there may have been widespread colonization of territory previously unoccupied for tens of thousands of years. By the end of the late Pleistocene there was a change in hunting patterns, in parts of southern Africa, from an emphasis on the capture of large, gregarious grazers to an emphasis on small, solitary browsers. Social complexity increased during the late Pleistocene, and by 12,000 B.P. it seems possible that Stone Age people were observing some social practices recorded historically among Bushmen (San).