孙中山对儒家文化的扬弃

孙中山从儒家文化中汲取精华并用之于革命实践活动,从而将他的革命理论根植于儒家文化的深厚沃土之中,使儒学在服务于资产阶级革命的同时也充满了现实意义。     

理学视野下的《尚书》诠释——论林之奇《尚书全解》的思想意义

林之奇《尚书全解》是第一部援《学》、《庸》和理学思想系统阐释《尚书》的著述,他极力反对象数学的诬妄,高扬了作者唯物及无神论精神。林氏激烈批判了王安石《新经尚书义》的穿凿附会,以经学为武器展开了对占统治地位的新学的思想斗争。该书对其后《书》学研究有着引领和指示方向的作用。     

探索市场经济条件下国有企业思想政治工作的新思路

随着社会主义市场经济体制的逐步建立和完善,中国经济迅猛发展,人们的思想观念、价值取向、行为方式和人际关系都发生着重大的变化,这就给国有企业思想政治工作提出了崭新的课题和更高的要求。     

Politics of the Anthropocene: Formation of the Commons as a Geologic Process

In the Anthropocene humanity acquires a new collective geologic identity. There are two contradictory movements in this Anthropocenic thought; first, the Anthropocenic trace in the geologic record names a commons from below insomuch as humanity is named as an undifferentiated “event” of geology; second, the Anthropocene highlights the material diversities of geologic bodies formed through historical material processes. This paper addresses the consequences of this geologic subjectivity for political thought beyond a conceptualization of the commons as a set of standing reserves. Discourses of limits and planetary boundaries are contrasted with the exuberance and surplus of fossil‐fuelled energy. Drawing on the political economy of Georges Bataille and the material communism of Maurice Blanchot, I argue for the necessity of a political aesthetics that can traverse the difference between common and uncommon experience in the formation of an Anthropocene commons.     

Economic outcomes in New Zealand: a varieties of capitalism lens

This article situates New Zealand in the Varieties of Capitalism literature and then uses this theoretical framework to provide a critical analysis of the country’s recent economic under-performance. It argues that while New Zealand is rightly assumed to reflect a near pure example of a free-market Liberal Market Economy, its historical trajectory has been rather more mixed. This has led some analysts to assume that a shift from a ‘Coordinated’ to a ‘Liberal’ Market Economy has occurred, yet the state played a much heavier-handed role in creating and overseeing such apparently cooperative mechanisms than is the case in true coordinated market economies. When the state removed such support structures as the results of pro-market reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a lack of ‘coordination’ altogether in the New Zealand political economy. Businesses, either on a collective or an individual basis, did not step in to perform functions previously delivered by the state. This analysis is applied specifically to the fields of skills formation, or vocational education and training, and research and development, as illustrative examples of this broader critical line of argument.     

Islam without Fuqahāʾ: Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ and His Perso-Islamic Solution to the Caliphate's Crisis of Legitimacy (70–142 AH/690–760 CE)

This paper seeks to advance the existing scholarship on Persian secretary and belles-lettrist, ?Abd Allāh Ibn al-Muqaffa? (d. 139/757) and his Risāla fī ’l-?a?āba (Epistle Concerning the Entourage). It argues that the Risāla, addressed to the second Abbasid caliph al-Man?ūr, set out to tackle the political ills of the caliphate, especially the crisis of political legitimacy. As the first documented articulation of the Islamic polity, the Risāla made a series of recommendations, including a proposal for legal codification that attempted to reinvent the caliphate by reuniting the institution's political and legal authority at the expense of private jurists (fuqahā?). The paper illustrates how Ibn Muqaffa?’s solution relied on a creative integration of Iranian and Islamic ideas of statecraft and legitimate rule. Ironically, this creative integration may have played a part in the Risāla’s failure to garner necessary support to effect change.     

How to Surpass the Qin

In the famous chapters on the flaws of the Qin (221–207 BCE) dynasty, Jia Yi (200–168 BCE) deals with the reasons for the Qin’s defeat. This article, grounded in previous scholarship, will analyze Jia Yi’s discussion of the fall of the Qin and will show that the negative depiction of Qin policies was part of Jia Yi’s strategy for implementing the political agenda of the Han. Moreover I argue that the Guo Qin lun, or “To Surpass the Qin,” is not simply a historical analysis, but a political treatise that also deals with: (1) heeding the advice of meritorious ministers; (2) persuading the emperor to apply policies to bring tranquility to the people.     

Wrapped in Two Flags: The Complex Political History of Nunavik

ABSTRACT

During the first half of the twentieth century, northern Quebec was under federal jurisdiction. Tired of English Canadian supremacy and increasingly aware of northern Quebec’s considerable natural resources, which could provide a solid basis for future moves toward independence, the Quebec government began to take over responsibility for its northern territories in the 1960s. It established a regional administration to take charge of its northern affairs and sent officers to northern Quebec’s remote communities. For two decades, both governments administered the region and imposed two political systems on the local Inuit. This article is based on lengthy fieldwork and archival research. The historical background is described to show how Nunavik has developed as a political and social entity through its relationships with the Quebec and Canadian governments. This conflictual situation has created tensions in the Inuit community, resulting in political dissensions over the goal of self-government. Finally, this article details how the Inuit have exploited federal–provincial tensions to further their own interests.     

Political Time in a Westminster Democracy: The Canadian Case

Stephen Skowronek’s idea of political time is tested by applying it to Canada. Skowronek identified a recurring cycle in US presidential politics, in which a coalition was forged around a distinctive set of ideas, dominated the political scene, and then crumbled, making way for a new coalition; a president’s ability to act as an agent of change depended on his place in this cycle. The concept of political time offers insights for the study of Westminster democracies, but Skowronek’s typology cannot be transplanted from the US to the Canadian context. A political orthodoxy cannot be easily identified in Canada, and prime ministers cannot be clearly labeled as affiliated with or opposed to the ideas of a given era. Some seem determined to play a corrective role, accepting much of the orthodoxy but reconstructing some elements of it. This problem of classification is amplified by the very short term of some prime ministers, by the very long term of others, and by a multiparty system, which has meant that Canadians often end up with prime ministers who are out of synch with the dominant ideas of their age. When applying Skowronek’s ideas to Canada, they emerge as overly structural and not sensitive enough to the possibility that leaders can fail to perform according to type.     

Droughts,state-citizen relations and support for political violence in Sub-Saharan Africa: A micro-level analysis

Droughts are unlikely to influence support for political violence unless they coincide with unfavourable social and political conditions. In this article I suggest that support for violence in times of drought depends on people's relationship with their government and the way in which this relationship determines their vulnerability to adverse climatic shocks. Droughts impose serious economic pressures on affected people, especially in Sub-Saharan countries, where access to alternative sources of water is often limited. People who enjoy good relations with the sitting regime and who benefit from a wide range of public services are more likely to overcome these pressures. On the other hand, politically neglected, marginalised and disaffected people have many more difficulties in coping with drought and are likely to blame their government for it. This, in turn, can pave the way for endorsing more radical attitudes and even violence against the government and its (presumed) political supporters. The results of my analysis partly confirm this idea. Exposure to drought per se does not seem to influence attitudes towards political violence in a statistically significant way. However, I find both people who are politically discriminated against and people who do not trust their head of state to be more inclined to endorse political violence when hit by severe drought. These findings, which are consistent across a number of alternative model specifications, show that fragile state-citizen relations play an important part in the processes linking drought exposure and support for political violence.