一个展览和一个时代——“明永乐宣德文物特展”设计综述

"明永乐宣德文物特展"是一个全面展现明早期艺术的综合性文物大展。展览的最终目的是要激发大众对传统艺术的兴趣,令其得到文化的熏陶与艺术的启迪,因此,展览陈列设计所要考虑的是一个多层次的体系。首先提炼装饰元素作为视觉主题,将艺术品的美感尽可能展现给观众,同时还要向观者传递时代背景、皇帝的思想境界等信息。此外,设计者还精心挑选不同的装饰材料以营造新颖的展示环境,达到衬托文物高超工艺水平的目的。     

殷商与两周用鼎制度的区别研究

中国古代的用鼎制度分为殷、周两大文化系统。殷商文化系统是鼎的组合,呈偶数形式,表现出殷人追求对称美以及对女性的尊重。而周文化系统的礼器鼎的组合形式呈奇数,表现了周天子至高地位的形成,反映了周人的阴阳思想和等级意识。     

论徐天麟《两汉会要》的编纂特点

作为补撰前代会要的代表作,徐天麟《两汉会要》首开补撰前代会要的新途径,并通过设置总类,开创二级分类体系,丰富注释体例的形式与内容,以及采用多种史论形式相结合的方式,完善了自中唐以来所产生的会要体史籍的编撰体例,奠定了补撰前代会要史籍的史学地位。     

英国汉学家艾约瑟的“唐宋思想变革”说

当代学术发展日益重视学术史的反思。西方汉学之根基常常追溯到十九世纪。近年来,日益受到重视的"唐宋变革思想"说在学术史上的变化己引起广泛的讨论,但学者们比较关注其逐渐完善的过程,而忽略其草创期之发源。实际上,早期传教士的汉学论题中已经提出唐宋时代思想在文化领域的急剧变化,或可视为唐宋变革论之滥觞。根据英国传教士艾约瑟在1886年《华北的秘密教派》一文的提示,十世纪是一个关键的变化期,对以后的历史发展有很大的影响,主要表现为儒生从关注文学和佛学转向关注哲学,其中关注易学更不容小觑。此观点乃后世所谓唐宋时代从文学到道学变化之先鞭。艾约瑟还指出,宋代印刷术之发达,有益于当时人保存更多文化资料以及接触儒释道思想,从而引起思想上的变化。     

Thomas Fitzherbert's reason of state

Thomas Fitzherbert's two-part Treatise concerning Policy and Religion (1606, 1610) was a rebuttal of unidentified Machiavellians, statists or politikes and their politics and policies. The work was apparently still well-regarded in the following century. Fitzherbert's objections to ‘statism’ were principally religious, and he himself thought the providentialist case against it unanswerable. But for those who did not share his convictions, he attempted to undermine Machiavellism on its own ground. Like both ‘Machiavellians’ and their opponents, he argued by inference from historical examples, but with a particularly copious knowledge of historians ancient, medieval and modern to draw on. Equally, however, he deployed the principles of speculative (principally Aristotelian) ‘political science,’ as well as theology and jurisprudence, to demonstrate that the kind of knowledge that Machiavellians required to guarantee the success of their ‘reason of state’ policies was simply unobtainable. A particularly striking strategy (perhaps modelled on that of his mentor and friend Robert Persons) was Fitzherbert's attempt to demonstrate, on the Machiavellians’ own premises, that they advocated policies which were very likely to fail, and would be visited with divine punishments sooner as well as later, whereas policies that were compatible with faith and morals were also much more likely to succeed, even judged in purely human and ‘statist’ terms.     

青海民族地区新社会阶层政治参与研究

政治参与是政治学研究的重要命题,也是民主政治建设的重要内容。现阶段,公民政治参与在我国政治发展中居于十分重要的地位。作为我国新社会阶层重要组成部分的民族地区的新社会阶层,他们不仅是民族地区经济社会发展不可缺少的重要社会力量,也是推动民族地区政治发展的重要力量。目前,民族地区新社会阶层的政治参与还没有引起人们的足够重视,他们的政治参与权利还没有充分体现出来,还缺乏健全的法律制度保障。这种状况不仅不利于民族地区新社会阶层的自身发展,而且也不利于民族地区的稳定和健康发展。要重视民族地区新社会阶层合理的政治利益诉求,引导他们有序政治参与,从而把他们的活力和创造力整合、凝聚到社会主义现代化建设事业中来,为地区经济社会又好又快发展,为民族地区社会稳定和民族进步做出积极贡献。     

世博后高校思想政治教育工作研究

2010年上海世博会的成功举办给我国高校思想政治教育工作带来了新情况和新挑战。高校思想政治教育工作在这种情况下如要发挥其应有的作用,就一定要适时创新。从而适应时代和社会进步的需要。     

初中政治课探究式教学中的教师作用例谈

政治学科不同于自然科学,其探究问题的结论有政策倾向性。教师对探究问题所得出的结论的强调是其主导作用发挥的关键阶段,其作用至关重要。教师应注意升华问题,深层次地把握关键点。能否做到这一点,明显反映了一个教师进行探究式课堂教学角色发挥水平的高低。     

Interrogating post-democratization: Reclaiming egalitarian political spaces

There is now an emerging body of thought on the dynamics of de-politicization, the ‘disappearance of the political’, the erosion of democracy and of the public sphere, and the contested emergence of a post-political or post-democratic socio-spatial configuration. I situate and explore this alleged ‘post-democratization’ in light of recent post-Althusserian political thought. I proceed in four steps. First, I discuss the contested configurations of this post-politicization and the processes of post-democratization. In a second part, I propose a series of theoretical and political arguments that help frame the evacuation of the properly political from the spaces of post-democratic policy negotiation. This diagnostic is related to a particular interpretation of the distinction between ‘the political’ and ‘polic(e)y/‘politics’. In a third part, I argue how emancipatory–democratic politics can be reclaimed around notions of equality, and freedom. In the concluding part, perspectives for re-vitalising the political possibilities of a spatialized emancipatory project are presented. The crux of the argument unfolds the tension between politics, which is always specific, particular, and ‘local’ on the one hand and the universal procedure of the democratic political that operates under the signifiers of equality and freedom on the other.