雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判

雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判之间具有相当密切和直接的关系.当时,美苏通过雅尔塔协定和中苏条约,所协调和确立起来的两国共同支持国民党而不支持中共的对华政策,对战后国共重庆谈判的举行和政治协商会议的商定,都产生了重大影响,甚至发挥了主要作用.但到关键时刻在关键问题上,美苏的影响和作用又是相当有限的.我们对此必须要有辩证的清醒的认识.     

党要不断完善执政方略的评估体系

完善党的执政方略的评估体系具有极端的紧迫性和重要性。为了使评估科学、公正,必须增加评估主体,促进评估主体多元化,重视发挥媒体的作用,还应积极引进专家学者和专门机构参与评估实践。构建执政方略的评估体系,关键是要确定科学的评估标准。     

Implementing political agreement in Northern Ireland: Planning issues for Irish language policy

This paper examines the place of the Irish language in the context of the political agreement recently reached in Northern Ireland. Language planning issues are seen to turn on critical relationships between the emergent legislative framework and local Irish-speaking communities in the region. A model for community-based language planning initiatives is proposed as a means of ensuring the effective engagement of language policy with Irish-speakers. It is suggested that the issue of language rights is likely to become much more pressing as the new institutions of state seek to reflect the socio-political diversity of the region.     

The political culture of the Alleanza nazionale: an analysis of the party's programmatic documents (1995-2002)

The birth of the Alleanza nazionale and its rise to power in Berlusconi's 1994 and 2001 cabinets have attracted great interest. The evolution of the AN's political culture from 1995 to the present has received far less attention. The interest of scholars is dominated by concern over the number of fascist chromosomes inherited by the AN, and the way these influence its policy choices. The weight of history overlays the problems faced by the party in its attempt to establish an original identity. This article investigates the formation of the AN's political culture through an analysis of the official programmatic documents produced thus far by the party, putting each in the Italian political context at the time of its issue. The documents show that the AN is no longer a neofascist, extreme right or populist radical-right party, but its values and beliefs have not found a stable form.     

论道德教育在社会主义政治文明建设中的基础作用

道德教育在社会主义政治文明建设中具有基础作用。在政治文明的有机整体中,制度文明是标志和形式。而人的文明则是根本,在政治文明中居于灵魂地位。因此,政治意识、政治制度和政治实践行为的共同主体——人的素质的提高是一个民族政治成熟的最基本的条件,也是政治文明的根本所在。     

毛泽东与人民政协事业

毛泽东在指导人民政协事业的创建和发展方面做出了重要贡献:创立了人民政协,并将人民政协作为民主政治的象征,推动了中国民主政治的发展,对“文化大革命”前特别是建国初期新中国的各项工作发挥了不可替代的重要的推动作用。尽管人民政协事业在“文化大革命”期间遭受挫折,人民政协这种发扬民主的形式遭到破坏,但毛泽东坚持将人民政协保留了下来,开启了我国社会主义政治文明建设的先河。     

Feasting landscapes and political economy at the Early Horizon center of Huambacho, Nepeña Valley, Peru

The present contribution examines feasting practices at Huambacho (800–200 cal. B.C.), an Early Horizon elite center of the Nepeña Valley, Department of Ancash, Peru. Feasts are approached as long-term strategies essential to the political economy of human societies. Drawing upon data from public architecture, material culture and food remains, the study closely considers feasts as political actions and investigates the organization and social meaning of these special events. At Huambacho, I contend that the diacritical aspects of feasting practices, such as the use of exclusive spaces and special paraphernalia, contributed to the dual celebration of communal identity and prosperity, and the creation and reproduction of social inequalities. The research highlights the dual centripetal and centrifugal dynamics of Early Horizon feasts and demonstrates the role of the Huambacho center in advertising the success of the local community based on new forms of production and innovative rules of commensal hospitality.     

农业和文明起源

文明起源在考古学上是一个复杂的问题,牵涉到人类社会的许多方面。其中一个重要方面就是农业。本文试图强调农业对文明起源所起的推动作用,并提出一些有关农业考古的看法,希望对目前正在进行的中华文明探源工程和类似课题有所帮助。     

Contextualist dilemmas: Methodology of the history of political theory in two stages

This article traces the development of contextualist methodology in the study of the history of political thought/political theory after WWII. It argues that the so-called ‘Cambridge School’, often regarded as the core of historicist contextualism, arose during the 1950s and 1960s in response to dilemmas that were largely internal to (the history of) political philosophy as it was practiced in Britain in an academic culture dominated by analytic philosophy. This first stage of contextualist theorizing, usually associated with Laslett, Skinner and Pocock, was highly influential, but it also contributed to the formation of a new set of problems. These were connected to the diversification and internationalization of the historicist contextualist study of political thought after the 1960s. The ‘second stage’ of contextualist theorizing was shaped by post-analytic and post-modernist impulses among others. Because of the variety of philosophical and conceptual commitments on notions central to the field such as ‘political thinking’, ‘politics’, or ‘power’, it is unlikely that the present historicist contextualist approaches would come to share a unified methodology or theory of historical interpretation.