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81.
Research into the causes of violence against civilians has increased significantly in recent years, yet the mechanisms governing spatial patterns of victimization remain poorly understood. My investigation explores if and why one specific locality, capital cities, experiences a higher frequency of violence against civilians perpetrated by armed insurgent organizations. I argue that the political value associated with capitals allows these groups to asymmetrically impose higher costs on the regime by targeting civilians in these localities. I lay out and validate three specific mechanisms to explain this pattern: elite coercion, popular intimidation, and international persuasion. In the first scenario insurgents aim to influence domestic elites directly. In the second, they aim is to affect domestic civilians’ resolve. In the third, they seek to influence international audiences. Using new geolocated global atrocities data for the years 1996–2009, I evaluate this linkage by employing different methodological approaches and accounting for potential reporting biases. Finally, I show that ethnic and secessionist wars are more likely to experience atrocities in the capital compared with other conflicts. The findings illustrate potential benefits from explaining the temporal and spatial variation in violence by insurgents, with a focus on strategic conditions and power asymmetries. 相似文献
82.
Kate Nicholls 《Australian journal of political science》2018,53(2):160-175
This article situates New Zealand in the Varieties of Capitalism literature and then uses this theoretical framework to provide a critical analysis of the country’s recent economic under-performance. It argues that while New Zealand is rightly assumed to reflect a near pure example of a free-market Liberal Market Economy, its historical trajectory has been rather more mixed. This has led some analysts to assume that a shift from a ‘Coordinated’ to a ‘Liberal’ Market Economy has occurred, yet the state played a much heavier-handed role in creating and overseeing such apparently cooperative mechanisms than is the case in true coordinated market economies. When the state removed such support structures as the results of pro-market reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a lack of ‘coordination’ altogether in the New Zealand political economy. Businesses, either on a collective or an individual basis, did not step in to perform functions previously delivered by the state. This analysis is applied specifically to the fields of skills formation, or vocational education and training, and research and development, as illustrative examples of this broader critical line of argument. 相似文献
83.
Peter Grave Lisa Kealhofer Ben Marsh G. Kenneth Sams Mary Voigt Keith DeVries 《Journal of archaeological science》2009,36(10):2162-2176
Phrygian Gordion was the political center of an influential Iron Age polity that extended across west central Anatolia during the first half of the 1st millennium BC. Though the borders of this polity remain vague a characteristic of the Phrygian “footprint” is the distribution of highly distinctive ceramics. The extent to which Gordion potters were the originators of these wares remains uncertain. In this paper we use Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) to establish the local signature of predominantly Iron Age ceramics for this site by combining samples from several decades of excavation with an extensive regional sediment sequence. We also compare previous NAA work at Gordion to suggest that the formative stages of the Phrygian state appears to have involved a more extensive network of non-local specialist producers than previously thought. 相似文献
84.
The organization of Classic Maya society emerged from diverse and overlapping social interactions which shaped a dynamic political landscape. Vying for power, elites legitimized their status by claiming ancestry from various supernaturals and engaged in conspicuous displays of competition, warfare, and ritual practice which were often recorded on stone monuments. By examining the inscribed relationships between Maya centers, we chart organizational changes in sociopolitical networks throughout the Classic period. Methods derived from social network analysis are used to examine temporal changes in the distribution and centralization of political power through different network interactions. We examine the intersection of antagonistic, diplomatic, subordinate, and kinship relationships and discuss how these overlapping networks contributed to dynamic changes in the Classic period. This case study demonstrates how current network analysis techniques can contribute to archaeological studies of the scalar dynamics and organizational changes of past social and political systems. 相似文献
85.
新中国成立初期,在中央与省之间曾设立大行政区一级地方政府,代表中央人民政府具体管理和处理所辖省、市的民主政权建设、医治战争创伤、恢复正常的社会秩序和经济生活秩序等工作。大行政区政府既是比所辖省市高一级的地方政权机关,又是中央人民政府政务院领导地方政府工作的代表机关。在当时各地区革命发展极不平衡、中央政府直接管理省以及省以下地方政府的条件尚不具备的背景下,实行过渡性的大行政区建制,因地制宜地制定政策和实行管理是符合当时政治经济形势要求的,有利于新生政权的巩固和国民经济的恢复。 相似文献
86.
Najm al-Din Yousefi 《Iranian studies》2017,50(1):9-44
This paper seeks to advance the existing scholarship on Persian secretary and belles-lettrist, ?Abd Allāh Ibn al-Muqaffa? (d. 139/757) and his Risāla fī ’l-?a?āba (Epistle Concerning the Entourage). It argues that the Risāla, addressed to the second Abbasid caliph al-Man?ūr, set out to tackle the political ills of the caliphate, especially the crisis of political legitimacy. As the first documented articulation of the Islamic polity, the Risāla made a series of recommendations, including a proposal for legal codification that attempted to reinvent the caliphate by reuniting the institution's political and legal authority at the expense of private jurists (fuqahā?). The paper illustrates how Ibn Muqaffa?’s solution relied on a creative integration of Iranian and Islamic ideas of statecraft and legitimate rule. Ironically, this creative integration may have played a part in the Risāla’s failure to garner necessary support to effect change. 相似文献
87.
Sergio Serulnikov 《Colonial Latin American Review》2017,26(3):355-385
El artículo analiza la relación entre el reformismo borbónico y el desarrollo de espacios públicos de deliberación sobre asuntos de interés común en la ciudad de La Plata, la sede de la real audiencia de Charcas (hoy Sucre), hacia fines de la década de 1770. Se exploran un conjunto de luchas en torno a cuestiones críticas al programa reformista, tales como los recortes a las potestades del ayuntamiento, las preeminencias ceremoniales, el monopolio del tabaco y los medios legítimos de resolución de conflictos entre gobernantes y gobernados. Como resultado, se genera una politización de las relaciones de mando y obediencia, la multiplicación de controversias en diversos ámbitos donde se desenvolvía la vida pública y la difusión de pasquines como medio de propagación de opiniones contestatarias. Argumentamos que este proceso terminó por poner en cuestión tanto los fundamentos ideológicos como las condiciones de posibilidad de las políticas absolutistas. 相似文献
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89.
Lowland Maya political economies are cosmopolitical economies, with “authoritative resources”—knowledge (“symbolic capital”), especially astro-calendrical knowledge, and ostensible control of time—evolving as the basis for Classic wealth, power, and dynastic legitimacy. Within a system of rotating geopolitical capitals, elite economic activities of production, consumption, and distribution were directed toward control of luxury goods and ritual performances emphasizing privileged interactions with the cosmos and ancestors. Examples include a “ritual mode of production” focused in a palace economy, consumption manifest in lavish public rituals and feasting, and goods circulating through tribute and periodic markets. In the dispersed lowland Maya settlement system, this decentralized economy retained some features more characteristic of stateless societies. 相似文献
90.
雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判之间具有相当密切和直接的关系.当时,美苏通过雅尔塔协定和中苏条约,所协调和确立起来的两国共同支持国民党而不支持中共的对华政策,对战后国共重庆谈判的举行和政治协商会议的商定,都产生了重大影响,甚至发挥了主要作用.但到关键时刻在关键问题上,美苏的影响和作用又是相当有限的.我们对此必须要有辩证的清醒的认识. 相似文献