Digital extraction: Blockchain traceability in mineral supply chains

Digital data — including technologically-mediated data generated by blockchain-enabled traceability — is performing an increasingly integral role in extractive operations, but scarce attention has been paid to the structuring effect of these digital technologies or the socio-economic spatiality of data-driven mining operations. Drawing on extensive qualitative research (interviews, participant observation, and two sets of survey data among actors relevant to these mineral supply chains), this article advances the notion of “digital extraction” to describe the collection, analysis, and instrumentalization of digital data generated under the banner of blockchain-based due diligence, chain of custody certifications, and various transparency mechanisms, situated alongside and in support of mineral extraction. The article mobilizes concepts from political geography and political ecology to argue that digital technologies of traceability in extractive processes potentially create new forms of control and exclusion or exacerbate existing social, political, and territorial dispossession through asymmetric relations of power and knowledge in mineral supply chains. Despite industry efforts to make mineral supply chains more sustainable by resorting to digital certification and traceability, the strategic uses of uncertainty, ignorance, and ambiguity undergirding blockchain-enabled traceability systems fail to challenge existing inequalities in resource use and access or fulfill the promise of transparency and accountability.     

Ritual performances and collective violence in divided cities – The riots in Belfast (1886) and Jerusalem (1929)

This article explores the interrelation of violence, space, and public rituals in Belfast and Jerusalem. With the image of being cities of violence, contested by two groups that compete for political and spatial hegemony, Belfast and Jerusalem are also characterised as divided, both on a material and symbolic level. The roots of this division can be traced back to the era of the British Empire, especially to the riots in Belfast in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and the uprisings in Jerusalem during the British Mandate of Palestine. In the wider context of British imperial policies of differentiation along religious lines and urban separation, communal identities were strengthened, and processes of residential segregation were accelerated, thereby creating urban frontiers. On the basis of historical sources, particularly reports by Royal Commissions of Inquiry that were set up to investigate the riots in Belfast and Jerusalem, this paper analyses how violent urban geographies were created in both cities in different but also remarkably similar ways. Down to the present day, public religious and political rituals, often combined with nationalist and militarist elements, are a crucial part of periodic manifestations of collective violence in these cities. Practices of appropriation of space and a temporary redrawing of borders and boundaries are dominant features of these rituals. Religious ceremonies, street parades, funeral processions or political demonstrations take place at contested sites or are led through areas “belonging” to the “other” group. The analysis shows that these ritual practices contributed greatly in transforming parts of the cities into urban spaces characterised by exclusion and imbued with memories of violence. This paper concludes that ritual performances in public space have a strong impact on the production and shaping of collective violence during riots.     

The Language of Postwar Intellectual Schmittianism

The article analyzes the work of Hanno Kesting, Reinhart Koselleck, Roman Schnur, and Nicolaus Sombart—four young followers of Carl Schmitt in postwar Germany. Their “intellectual Schmittianism” was less than a full commitment to Schmitt’s political positions, yet had more than an arbitrary similarity with them: it pertained to assumptions, categories, and modes of thought. Drawing on Pocock’s terminology, I identify a particular “language” of intellectual Schmittianism, introduce its key components, and analyze their interaction. I focus on six categories derived from Schmitt’s narrative of European political modernity: discrimination, historical parallels, secularization, global civil war, open/latent civil war, and category blurs. The analysis shows that these categories were interlinked argumentative devices rather than mere rhetoric and that they systematically upheld the postwar scholars’ arguments. While the Schmittian language enabled the young scholars to express their political skepticism without necessarily rejecting the newly adopted institutional forms, it also constrained their choices. Linguistic resources can always be used for novel purposes, yet the dense internal structure of the language of postwar intellectual Schmittianism hindered revaluation and selective utilization. Kesting excluded, the young scholars gradually grew critical of Schmitt to varying degrees, but they never directly confronted his problematic language.     

Experimental Investigation on Steel W-Shaped Folded Plate Dissipative Connectors for Horizontal Precast Concrete Cladding Panels

A dissipative connector device, consisting of a steel plate folded at right angle along three lines to get a W-shaped profile, is proposed for the safe fastening of the horizontal cladding panels of new or existing precast structures under seismic action. Experimental tests are carried out to characterize the hysteretic behavior of the connector device. Different technological features, restraint conditions, and loading protocols are considered. Nonlinear hysteretic models are validated against the results of pseudo-dynamic tests on a full-scale prototype of precast building with cladding panels. Guidelines for the design of the dissipative connector device are provided.     

The Italian party system’s three functional arenas after the 2018 election: the tsunami after the earthquake

The aim of this article is to assess to what extent the ‘change’ after the 2018 Italian election can be observed in the electoral, parliamentary and governmental arenas. We use the indicators of party ‘volatility’ and ‘innovation’ to measure the change in each arena. The time span is the period 1948–2018, with a specific focus on the time after the watershed election of 1994. In this respect, we have identified a crucial difference between the 1994 change and that of 2013–18: if 1994 was the single moment of passage from one party system to another, in the 2010s the change did not happen in a single moment. Only after the next election, if volatility and innovation in the three arenas is reduced substantially, could we claim that a new party system has developed, that could be considered the ‘third party system’ of the Italian Republic.     

Italian candidates under the Rosato mixed electoral system. In search of personal votes in the plurality tier?

The Rosato law has established a new electoral system featuring single-member districts (S.M.Ds) along with a prevailing proportional tier. S.M.Ds are typically associated with individual incentives to cultivate a personal vote and with a more direct link between representatives and their local constituency. This article investigates patterns of personalized votes in the Italian elections of March 2018 by analysing voting data about candidates for the Chamber of Deputies who ran in the plurality tier. Results reveal that only a minor – although not negligible – portion of Italian voters cast their ballot for an individual candidate only, and that these votes had almost no impact on the outcomes of competition in S.M.Ds. Moreover, some interesting differences across geographical areas, parties and coalitions emerge in the use of personalized vote.     

Sámi Citizenship: Marginalisation or Integration?

Abstract

In accordance with international conventions the Sámi is an indigenous group belonging to two populations and two overlapping civil societies within one nation state. This situation not only influences Sámi political interests and activities in general, but it also affects the individual Sámi's political orientation and decisions. Nevertheless, no thorough study has been conducted, on the individual level, of Sámi political participation and involvement. We know neither how political attitudes and participation vary within this group, nor how it varies in relation to the Norwegian population in general. Thus we know practically nothing about how recent institutional developments have influenced Sámi citizenship.

This article looks closely at variations in political involvement and participation amongst Sámi and non-Sámi living in Norway's Sámi language management area, and compares this with political involvement and participation amongst the Norwegian population in general. The Citizenship Survey shows that in terms of political interest and participation, the Sámi living in the Sámi language management area are on par with others living there, and with Norwegians in general. In several important political areas the Sámi actually show significantly more interest and involvement than Norwegians in general. Furthermore, Sámi political trust and self-confidence are as high as in the general population, and we have not uncovered any particular marginalisation with respect to women and young people's interest and participation.

There is much to suggest that our findings measure not only the Sámi's combined political interest and participation, but also their degree of participation and interest in the Norwegian political system. We do not find a picture of Sámi political segregation, nor of an extensive marginalisation. The findings point towards strong integration in the Norwegian political system, with Norwegian and Sámi public space and civil societies overlapping rather than being competitive or even antagonistic.     

New world warriors: 'Nation' and 'state' in the politics of the Zapatista and US Patriot Movements

During the 1990s scholars began to identify and study social movements organized to confront the 'new global order'. Such movements have emerged in Mexico, Japan, South Africa and the USA. In the emerging literature organized to study these movements scholars have noted two characteristics that hold constant across them. First, while such movements oppose globalization, they tend to focus their criticism against their own governments for ushering in its reforms. Second, while the state is regarded as the enemy, these movements frame their politics against the state in nationalistic terms. In this paper we compare and evaluate the projects of 'national' resistance in two social movements against the new global order--the Mexican Zapatista and the US Patriot Movements. To conduct our analysis we employ a post-structuralist approach. We argue that the category of nation is constructed and may take any number of forms, from the liberatory to the repressive. As such, we hold that the best way to evaluate nationalistic projects is to assess whether antagonism infuses constructions of 'nation' and its spatial policing. In our empirical analysis we argue that the nationalistic discourse of Zapatismo, though not without problems, is agonistically constructed, creating a plural space for nation re(building). In contrast, discourses of patriotism are antagonistically defined, fostering exclusive views of nation and a rigid policing of its borders. We conclude by noting potential pitfalls in the Zapatista identity politics and potential progressive openings within the Patriot identity politic. Au cours des années 1990, des chercheurs ont identifié et étudié différents mouvements sociaux qui cherchent à confronter le 'nouvel ordre global'. De tels mouvements ont émergé au Mexique, au Japon, en Afrique du Sud et aux États-Unis. Dans leurs travaux publiés sur ce récent phénomène, les scientifiques ont noté deux traits caractéristiques de ces mouvements. Premièrement, malgré qu'ils s'opposent à la mondialisation, ils ont tendance à diriger leur critique envers leur propre gouvernement qui ouvre la porte à des réformes globalisantes. Deuxièmement, alors que l'état est considéré comme étant l'ennemi, ces mouvements encadrent leurs politiques contre celui-ci selon des termes nationalistes. Dans cet article, nous comparons et évaluons les projets de résistance 'nationale' de deux mouvements sociaux contre le nouvel ordre global: le mouvement Zapatiste au Mexique et le mouvement Patriote aux États-Unis. Une approche post-structuraliste est utilisée dans notre analyse. Nous soutenons que la meilleure façon d'évaluer des projets nationalistes est de juger si les concepts de 'nation' et sécurité du territoire sous-entendent une perspective antagoniste. Dans notre analyse empirique, nous soutenons que le discours nationaliste des Zapatistes, même s'il demeure problématique, s'élabore selon une perspective 'agoniste' favorisant l'ouverture d'un espace pluraliste pour re(construire) la nation. Par contraste, les discours du patriotisme présentent un point de vue antagoniste encourageant une vision exclusive de la nation et du contrôle de ses frontières. Nous concluons en notant les pièges potentiels du discours identitaire Zapatiste et les ouvertures progressistes possibles au sein de son homologue Patriote. Durante los años noventa los especialistas empezaron a identificar y estudiar movimientos socials, organizados con el fin de enfrentarse con el 'nuevo orden global'. Estos movimientos han surgido en México, Japón, Africa del Sur y en los Estados Unidos. En la literatura que estásaliendo para estu diar estos movimientos los especialistas han notado que hay dos características que todos tienen en común. Primero, aunque estos movimientos se oponen a la globalización, tienden a criticar sus própios gobiernos por haber introducido las reformas. Segundo, aunque el estado es considerado el enemigo, estos movimientos construyen sus políticas contra el estado en términos nacionalistas. En este papel comparamos y evaluamos los proyectos de resistencia 'nacional' en dos movimientos sociales contra el nuevo orden global: el Zapatista de México y el 'US Patriot Movement' (Movimiento Patriota de Estados Unidos). Abordamos el análisis empleando un método pos-estructuralista. Sugerimos que la categoría de nación es construída y puede manifestarse de varias formas; de liberatoria a represiva. Por lo tanto, creemos que la major manera de analizar los proyectos nacionalistas es de evaluar si el antagonismo infunde construcciones de 'nación' y su orden espacial. En nuestro análisis empírico sugerimos que el discurso nacionalista del zapatismo, aunque no carece de problemas, es construído del punto de vista agnóstico y, por lo tanto, crea un espacio plural para la (re)construcción de la nación. Al contrario, los discursos sobre el patriotismo se definen de manera antagonística, la cual promueve puntos de vista exclusivos de lo que es la nación y promueve la rígida vigilancia de sus fronteras. Concluímos por mencionar las posibles desventajas de la política de identidad zapatista y las posibles aperturas dentro de la política de identidad Patriota.     

Re-naturalizing sugar: Narratives of place,production and consumption

This article analyses the inter-relationships among food consumption practices, marketers' representations of sugar, and the history and political economy of sugar production. It focuses on the 'supermarket narratives'--stories regarding place and production that appear on commodity packaging--used to market sugar in the USA. It explores how competition within the sweetener industry, as shaped by the material qualities of sweeteners, has given rise to supermarket narratives that seek to differentiate sugars on the basis of ideas of place, freshness and environmental sustainability. It also examines how, at the same time, sweetener users have co-operated to maintain and increase consumption in the USA. The article begins with a discussion of historical patterns of sweetener consumption in the USA, and then looks at the genesis of the primary sugar industry lobbying organization. The case study of Florida sugar producers is used to demonstrate the historical antecedents of supermarket narratives and the contemporary geographical specificity of the political economy underlying supermarket narratives.