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281.
洪梅 《东南文化》2008,(3):70-76
兽面纹与人面纹是先秦时期非常有特点的瓦当图案。本文通过对兽面纹的来源、分类及兽面纹与其他瓦当图案组合的研究,阐明了兽面纹演变过程中的简化规律。并通过分析兽面纹与抽象人面纹的异同点,以及二者在发展演变规律上的一致性,论证了抽象人面纹与兽面纹之间的承继关系及这种变化与当时历史背景的关系。  相似文献   
282.
Strength hierarchy assessment is a method that can be utilized to identify the weakest structural element at a reinforced concrete (RC) beam-column joint. The method was extensively used in various research activities at the University of Canterbury, which mainly involved beam-column joint subassembly tests. However, this method required improvements and refinements in order to be adopted in multi-story building applications. In this paper, the improvements made to the method are reported. In the improved method, capacity of the weakest element at every beam-column joint in an RC frame building can be related to the corresponding global base shear demand. The method has been illustrated via two example applications: an RC frame lacking joint shear reinforcement and a modern RC frame with adequate joint shear reinforcement. The case study examples confirmed the accuracy and the effectiveness of the method.  相似文献   
283.
阴阳五行对秦汉政治史观产生了深刻影响。秦汉时期共有四种主要的政治史观 :以五行相胜原则运转的五德终始说 ;以五行相生原则运转的汉家尧后说 ;董仲舒所创三统说以及质文说。这四种政治史观都与阴阳五行有密切关联 ,并对秦汉乃至以后两千余年封建社会产生了深远影响  相似文献   
284.
王金虎 《史学月刊》2001,(3):126-131
19世纪后期美国城市的迅猛发展和城市政治体制的缺陷造成城市社会形势的严重恶化和腐败行为的泛滥,从而引发了城市政治改革运动的兴起。改革家虽然都出身于中上层阶级,但改革的方向有多种,改革的支持也复杂多样。总体来说,城市政治改革的进行实现了城市政治体制的重大发展,增强了城市政府治理城市的能力,政治腐败也得到一定程度的遏制。  相似文献   
285.
Studies of the organization of Maya pottery production have been pursued via numerous methods but without theoretical models. I review available data on production of Late Classic southern lowland Maya polychrome pottery in light of my calendrically based may model of geopolitical organization. I conclude that: (1) production arrangements vary by “kind” of pottery; (2) “craft specialization” and “workshops” are inappropriate concepts; (3) study of polychrome production necessitates multiple approaches, including analysis of decorative content; (4) better “bridging arguments” and “middle-range theory” are needed; (5) figural polychromes were “inalienable” wealth goods; and (6) they were painted in palaces of primary and secondary centers—may and k'atun seats in the model—in realm-specific signature styles.  相似文献   
286.
This article pays special attention to the large number of references to political theology by Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt, particularly in the interwar period, and seeks to interpret these references in a new way. While Schmitt's analogies between God and state are to be expected considering his strong Catholic roots, such comparisons are much more surprising for a positivist like Hans Kelsen, who always tried to relieve state and law from transcendental elements. The article concludes that, far from being marginal in the doctrinal dispute between Schmitt and Kelsen, references to political theology express and summarize their major controversy about the relation between state and law, as well as about the sources of the state's unity. The heart of the disputatio between the two jurists concerned the ability of the political power to emancipate itself from the juridical order. The ‘legal miracle’—in this context meaning the occasional autonomization of the state from law—was for Schmitt the manifestation of sovereign power. However, for Kelsen it represented the negation of the state's essence, whose actions must be determined only by the legal order.  相似文献   
287.
Why do larger countries have more armed conflict? This paper surveys three sets of hypotheses put forward in the conflict literature regarding the relationship between the size and location of population groups. These hypotheses are based on population mass and concentrations, distances, and some residual state-level characteristics. The hypotheses are tested with a new dataset – ACLED (Armed Conflict Location and Events Dataset) – that disaggregates internal conflicts into individual events. The analysis covers 14 countries in Central Africa. The conflict event data are juxtaposed with geographically disaggregated data on populations, distance to capitals, borders, and road networks. The paper develops a statistical method to analyze these types of data. The analysis shows that the risk of conflict events increases with local population size, and is particularly large in highly populous locations within a country. We find only a moderate difference in conflict-proneness between areas located close to or far from a country's capital, except when combined with population concentration: Conflict events cluster particularly strongly in larger population concentrations that are distant from the capital, such as the Eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo.  相似文献   
288.
作为近代湖湘士人的代表人物,曾国藩的显赫事功与特定的时代背景有着密不可分的联系,同时他的政治思想又集中体现了诸多鲜明的文化特性,既充满着”恢复民族固有美德”的守成性,又蕴涵了“倡导社会自强新政”的维新性,还很大程度上折射出”执两用中、刚柔互用”的中庸性。  相似文献   
289.
曹亚斌  王仲杰 《攀登》2009,28(4):58-61
随着国际交流的不断深入,政治与社会之间的关系显得日趋复杂,国家政治安全行为已成为造成社会危机的重要因素之一。由于政治安全行为是在政治安全认知的指导下产生的,因而必须在政治安全认知的视角下分析政治安全行为与社会危机的关系。  相似文献   
290.
How does violent conflict affect social and political attitudes? To answer this question I pair Kenyan survey and violence data for the time period following the country's December 27th 2007 national election. I find that respondents who personally experienced electoral violence are less likely to express certain forms of inter-personal and institutional trust than those individuals who did not. The association is not universally powerful, however. First, noteworthy differences emerge between populations who relocated as a result of post-election conflict and those who did not. Differences between these groups suggest that internal migration in the wake of tragedy influenced the Kenyan social landscape. In addition to personal exposure to electoral conflict, I test how local level violence may indirectly condition Kenyan political attitudes. Across all models, individual-level exposure to violence has the most consistent influence upon opinions, although district level effects emerge in analyses without survey respondent ethnicity controls. This finding suggests that living in a setting of regional insecurity does not have as important an effect on certain political views as personal victimization.  相似文献   
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