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321.
How citizens view the nation and identify with it is an important element of the phenomenon of nationalism. While shaped by culture, this identification is also subjectively constructed by individuals. Most research on the psychology of national identity is oriented by the assumption that all people think in basically the same way, in terms of simple categories. We complement this approach by examining differences in the quality of people's thinking. While many people think in the simple concrete categorical terms assumed in most research, we argue that some individuals either do not think categorically or they think about categories in a reflective, abstract way. Consequently, these other people construct their national identity differently. To test this, we conducted an online survey that included interactive problem‐solving tasks to assess cognitive functioning and standard survey items to measure the quality and affect of participants' American identity. Our results indicate significant differences in the qualities of individuals' thinking that are reflected in differences in their national identification.  相似文献   
322.
For many, shifting economic and social contexts have created the conditions for a radical reappraisal of the orthodox image of the 'sustainable city'. However, in assessing such potentialities, there is insufficient knowledge about the way in which local actors construct, live out and are gripped by this signifier. This article responds to this deficit by exploring how key actors engaged in urban development actually interpret the challenges of the 'sustainable city'. In part, using a Q methodology study in Bristol and Grenoble, we discern and construct three distinctive discourses of the sustainable city, which we name progressive reformism, public localism, and moral stewardship. Our findings challenge previous critiques of sustainable urbanism. We observe no consistent support for mainstream conceptions of sustainable urban development, but neither do we find significant support for entrepreneurial or radical green localist discourses of the sustainable city. Instead, we identify a common indifference to the tenets of ecological modernization (and, by extension, entrepreneurialism), and a shared skepticism of local self-sufficiency. We thus argue that such discourses offer uncertain foundations upon which to construct new visions of the 'sustainable city'. In our view, this is because of the transformation of the 'sustainable city' from a relatively fixed idea into a floating signifier, coupled with the practices of local practitioners as policy bricoleurs. We conclude that efforts to develop new visions of 'sustainable cities' are best served by fostering an agonistic ethos of 'pragmatic adversarialism' amongst strategic leaders and stakeholders, which foregrounds politics and the right to difference.  相似文献   
323.
This article seeks to explain revolutionary Iran's convoluted rise to regional prominence over the last three decades. We hold that perceptions and misperceptions of regime stability (both of one's self and of others) by the relevant actors have played a major role in Iran's recent. The main logic is that the success of many strategies employed by relevant regional actors to augment their regional influence (both Iran seeking more influence and others seeking to stem that influence) have crucially hinged on making correct assessments of regime stability. This study has both theoretical and empirical findings. Theoretically, we find that failures to accurately estimate regime stability stem from three main sources: (1) objective uncertainties regarding the target state's level of regime stability, given the high strength of societal forces shaping state‐society relations in the Middle East and given the distinct variation between autocrats in terms of their ability to develop effective counterrevolutionary/repressive tools; (2) ideological blinders, from which both the United States and regional actors frequently suffer, which have often led them to be falsely optimistic regarding the existence of either subversive opportunities or opportunities to stabilize regimes facing domestic pressures; and (3) incorrect theories regarding sources of regime stability which lead experts and policymakers to overlook factors which may destabilize a regime. This article has two major empirical findings. First, Iran's rise may be at least partly attributed to Iran demonstrating a slightly better learning curve at the tactical level (i.e., learning subversive skills from its Lebanese experience in the 1980s–1990s and applying them to Iraq in the 2000s–2010s) as well as at the strategic level (i.e., understanding the limits of its subversive capacities and correctly assessing when it can engage in successful stabilizing operations). Second, two errors committed by the United States have been far more consequential than those committed by Iran for the regional balance of power: First, the George W. Bush Administration myopically opened up subversive opportunities for Iran when it invaded Iraq in 2003 by thinking that it could stabilize a democratic regime and insulate it from outside influence; second, on two occasions Washington overestimated the transformative effect that its concessions to Iran would have in terms of sufficiently empowering reformists so as to bring about complete regime transformation from within.  相似文献   
324.
In a pioneering academic discussion of Australian politics written just before the First World War, William Harrison Moore reinforced the image of Australia as an increasingly autonomous part of a slowly evolving but essentially liberal British Empire. In this 34-page account of ‘Political Systems of Australia’ published in George H. Knibbs, ed., Federal Handbook (Melbourne, 1914), the Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Melbourne arguably created the ur-text of the Australian Politics textbook. It is argued that there is an unbroken thread of Cambridge-inspired political science teaching and writing at Melbourne from Harrison Moore onwards. The early Australian politics textbooks and ‘Political Systems of Australia’ are cut from the same cloth, making the latter an important precursor.  相似文献   
325.
With China’s economic rise and in particular its massive international trade surplus with the rest of the world, the exchange rate of its currency has come under increasing scrutiny in the new millennium. Based on a critical review of existing International Political Economy (IPE) theoretical approaches on exchange rate politics – the Innenpolitik approaches and the international-domestic interaction approach – this paper argues that two-level game theory is a suitable tool for explaining the development of China’s exchange rate policy. By specifically examining the external factors and domestic sources of China’s exchange rate policy, this paper develops a complete analytical framework in which China’s central decision makers are understood to strive to reconcile international pressures and domestic bargainers when making decisions on exchange rate policy. After offering a theoretical review, revision and synthesis, the paper provides an empirical study of China’s 2005 exchange rate reform to specifically show how international factors played an agenda-setting role in China’s exchange rate policy making and how China’s domestic politics determined the pathway of the exchange rate reform in July 2005.  相似文献   
326.
Abstract

The article provides a comparative exploration of the role of Ottoman legacies and contemporary Turkish influences in shaping political space in the Black Sea regions of Adjara and Abkhazia. Conceptualizing both as borderlands, the article focuses on borderland practices related to three kinds of transboundary flows between Turkey and Adjara and Abkhazia, respectively: flows of goods and capital, flows of people, and flows of ideas. The article draws on a wide range of secondary sources as well as on data from field research in Abkhazia, Adjara, and Turkey. It discloses how borderland practices have contributed to fragmented and convergent configurations of authority in both regions and underlines a threefold character of borderland practices which reflect and reproduce understandings of illegitimacy and illicitness, cosmopolitan sociability, and struggles over belonging.  相似文献   
327.
Presidential Oral History: The Clinton Presidential History Project   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Most conventional oral history takes a bottom-up approach tothe past, focusing on settings where there is little in theway of a functional written record. This essay discusses thevalue of oral history in the opposite case of the American presidency.The written archive and journalistic record on each presidentis immense. Yet oral history is a valuable resource in thiselite environment, too. There are routine silences in even thebest of presidential papers, which oral history interviews canhelp fill. Moreover, the White House has become a workplacewhere recorded details can be hazardous to one's political health.Accordingly, few presidential aides today keep diaries or notesof key meetings—impoverishing the archive future historianswill use to study the presidency of our times. Oral historythus fortifies a weakening documentary record. This essay exploresthese broad issues and how they are being dealt with in theconduct of the William J. Clinton Presidential History Project.  相似文献   
328.
在三峡地区墓葬建筑中,砖(石)室墓是最重要的建筑形制,它开始流行于两汉时期,所蕴含的文化信息相当丰富,是古代厚葬风俗的一种重要表现形式,对研究中国古代风俗史和建筑史提供了大量有价值的材料。  相似文献   
329.
土是延用至今最重要的建筑材料之一,在人类认知和掌握不同环境土的性能和特点的进程中,创造了类型丰富的土质建筑遗址。对传统营造工艺的认知、传承、挖掘和应用成为当下土质建筑遗址保护的关键问题。因此,本工作基于土质建筑遗址保存现状、建筑形制、结构特征和传统营造技法调查,结合文献记载和研究成果,按照营造技法将土建筑遗址分为生土挖造、泥土堆筑、生土夯筑、土坯砌筑和湿泥垛筑5大类15亚类,阐释了随着生产力的发展和功能需要多方面共同推动,营造技法呈递进式发展演化,且呈现出不同营造技法既具备各自的鲜明特征又相互渗透的特点,也是适应环境和功能需求的具体体现,具有一定的规律性。研究结果为深入研究早期建筑形制和营造技法提供了依据。  相似文献   
330.
新疆与历代中原王朝政治关系的计量分析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
自西汉在新疆设官以来的两千多年中,新疆和中原王朝保持着四类政治关系。本文首先简述了中原王朝在新疆设置政权的沿革,然后以计量史学的方法对四类政治关系存续的时段分别予以统计,以关系的数量程度说明关系的性质。统计结果显示,新疆地区全部或部分在两千多年的大部分时段中处于中原王朝辖治之下,从而表明新疆自汉代以来就是中国领土的一部分。  相似文献   
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