清代宫廷绘画稿本述考

清朝的宫廷绘画存世颇多,其中尤以记录当时事件和人物的纪实作品最具价值,而此类画幅一般均在正图之前画有稿本。本文叙述了所见清代宫廷绘画之稿本,进而说明这些稿本的相关情况并考证其内容。     

河南洛阳市西工区M8832号东周墓

2005年,在洛阳市西工区发掘一座未被盗扰的春秋时期墓葬(M8832)。墓葬为长方形竖穴土坑墓,葬具为两棺一椁。出土了较多青铜器、玉器等,包括铜鼎8件,其中列鼎为5件,推测墓主人应是较高级的贵族。此墓的发掘,为研究东周时期的墓葬形制、葬俗、随葬品组合等提供了新的实物资料。     

郎世宁与中国十八世纪帝王肖像画的复兴

本文探讨了中国18世纪帝王肖像画复兴的历史背景,强调了郎世宁在清内廷供职期间所起的重要作用,揭示了郎世宁独特画风的形成缘由,特别是对欧洲袖珍画的借鉴作用。同时论及此画风在宫廷绘画中消长的历程和对18世纪文人肖像画的影响。     

A radiological and histological investigation into the mummification of cats from Ancient Egypt

An examination has been carried out on a series of wrapped mummified cats from Ancient Egypt that are held in the British Museum (Natural History). The cats, which were unprovenanced and undated, were presented by Sir Flinders Petrie at the beginning of this century, but they were not registered in the collections and have never been described. Radiocarbon dates have now been obtained for two of the cats and radiographs have been taken of each one to establish its identification and age at death. Attempts were made to reconstitute the skin tissue and samples of hair were studied by electron microscopy.     

“盘状器”功能再探

通过对盘状器相关遗物命名的梳理,本文将论者对其功能分歧归为两大类:工具或毛坯。由于持"毛坯"功能论者找到了系列相关证据,因而更具有说服力,所以我们认为绝大部分"盘状器"应为环(玦)类毛坯。同时我们也探讨了考古研究中如何确定某件盘状器是否为环(玦)类毛坯,对一些可能存在的误解做了简单的说明。     

Rethinking State-Society Relations in Vietnam: The Case of Business Associations in Ho Chi Minh City

The growing private sector in the post-reform Vietnamese economy and its new forms of mobilisation have led to newly emergent social forces that have shaped internal state agendas and political deliberations. With a view to exploring the nature of institutional change in Vietnam, I argue that business associations have played a crucial intermediary role between the state and the private sector over past decades. These associations and the spaces of governance that they constitute are neither characteristic of autonomous actors as suggested by liberal theory nor a form of state corporatism. This paper adopts the “state-in-society” approach, which contends that the state and society should be considered through new governance spaces within the state. These spaces create institutional mechanisms for interaction between the government and business, and provide a framework for deliberative engagement between state and non-state actors. This framework will be tested through an examination of associations of small and medium enterprises in Ho Chi Minh City and their connections to the city authorities. I argue that business associations will be accommodated by the state and will coalesce with existing bureaucratic interests. This proposition contributes to the new research agenda that applies the state-in-society approach to post-socialist institutions.     

Paul Keating and leadership: Was the ‘personal’ political?

This article proposes three possible reasons why political leaders abide by policy decisions in the face of vigorous opposition – because they perceive the policy to be ‘right’, because abiding by a decision is necessary to appear ‘strong’, or because of personal motives arising from the leader themselves. The article applies this framework to Paul Keating's apparent refusal, as Treasurer in 1989, to consider mortgage relief in the midst of prohibitively high interest rates arising from monetary policy at that time. The article concludes that it is the ‘personal’ dimension that most explains Keating's decision-making on this issue. This is a significant finding given that such personal motives are incapable of legitimation in liberal democratic terms, yet policy decisions arising from them can have an immense impact.

政治领导人在强大的反对力量面前坚持其政策决定。本人分析了三种可能的原因：认定其政策正确;欲显示强大需坚持政策;领导者个人方面的动机。本文根据这个思路分析了保罗齐丁。保罗1989年任澳大利亚财长时面对当时货币政策造成的利率奇高的局面而拒绝考虑抵押减免。笔者认为,个人因素可以解释保罗的决策。这个发见很重要,因为个人动机在自由民主那里虽无合法性,但由此做出的决定却能产生广大的影响。     

Re-examining a modern classic: does Putnam's Making Democracy Work suffer from spuriousness?

What makes democratic institutions work efficiently? Robert Putnam argued in Making Democracy Work that a mixture of political participation and immersion in associative and social networks in the community, conceptualised as ‘civic community’ or ‘social capital’, is the explanation. Ever since its publication, many questions have arisen about the validity of Putnam's theory. Among the most relevant concerns stands the influence of the Italian Communist Party on Putnam's empirical tests. This paper aims to fill the gap left in the literature by testing Putnam's hypothesis against the political party in the regional government and the PCI's electoral support. Supporting Putnam, this paper finds that variations in the quality of democratic governments in Italy's regions are a function of civic community even after adjusting for the presence of the Italian Communist Party.