战后自由主义者民族复兴的路径选择(1945—1949)——以自由主义期刊中的中共形象为中心

抗战胜利后,中国面临民族复兴的重要时代机遇,自由主义者以"中间道路"相号召,形成了不同于国共两党的民族复兴的蓝图设计。本文以自由主义政论期刊对中共的评价为切入点,从分析共产党的社会主义理论与新民主主义路线、共产党的性质、共产党现行政策及其政绩三方面展现自由主义期刊中的中共形象,并以此为视角,从一个侧面彰显和印证自由主义者特有的民族复兴的路径选择。     

‘Divided Within Itself’: The Parliamentary Labour ‘Right’ and the Demise of Post‐War Revisionist Social Democracy in the 1970s

The article seeks to identify a neglected dimension of the ‘crisis’ and schism of British social democracy in the 1970s from within the ranks of the parliamentary Labour ‘right’ itself. Accounts of the so‐called ‘Labour right’ and its influential revisionist social democratic tradition have emphasized its generic cohesion and uniformity over contextual analysis of its inherent intellectual, ideological and political range and diversity. The article seeks to evaluate differential responses of Labour's ‘right‐wing’ and revisionist tendency as its loosely cohesive framework of Keynesian social democracy imploded in the 1970s, as a means of demonstrating its relative incoherence and fragmentation. The ‘crisis of social democracy’ revealed much more starkly its complex, heterogeneous character, irremediably ‘divided within itself’ over a range of critical political and policy themes and the basis of social democratic political philosophy itself. The article argues that it was its own wider political fragmentation and ideological introspection in the face of the ‘crisis’ of its historic ‘belief system’ which led to the fracture of Labour's ‘dominant coalition’ and the rupture of British social democracy.     

“经济利益不是生活的全部”——理查德·亨利·托尼的资本主义批判

托尼的《宗教与资本主义的兴起》与韦伯的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》齐名,但是却反映了两种立场。与韦伯标榜中立的学术研究态度不同,托尼在他一系列学术著作和政论文中对资本主义进行了尖锐批评,也在他的政治活动和毕生关注的工人教育中努力实践自己的社会公平理想。在托尼看来,资本主义在本质上是与人的尊严相抵触的,是对财富的顶礼膜拜,是把一部分人看做充当工具的阶级,同时允许另一部分人利用他人为工具来达到致富目的。在资本主义不平等的社会结构中,教育不平等是其中的一个重要环节。把教育当做赚钱的勾当就等于把上帝的天赐拿去卖钱。他对哈耶克的经济自由主义进行了反驳,认为真正让人们奴化的,包括让专业人士和知识分子猥琐化的,恰恰是资本主义制度固有的贪婪。     

“三党竞斗”:中共在高校中建党的背景分析

在中国革命史上,共产党、青年党和国民党纵横捭阖,在一定程度上决定了中国政党政治发展的格局和走势。而三党竞斗的一个重要交汇点,就在于争取青年学生。在此后20多年三党循环敌对和相互抗衡中,中共广泛运用思想交锋、党团制度、统一战线等斗争策略,从而确保其在国、青两党的攻击下立于不败之地。     

五四"启蒙运动"说的历史考辨

在各种关于五四新文化运动的定性中,“启蒙运动”说无疑是最为常见的比附之一。事实上,最晚在20世纪20年代末30年代初,这种比附在左翼文化人中就已经较为流行。但是,并不能简单地把“启蒙运动”阐释视为“马克思主义方案”。出于现实革命斗争的需要,共产党人对“启蒙运动”说的认同是有限度的。而且,五四启蒙传统的丰富多元性决定了用“启蒙”来描述五四历史认识主体的复杂性,以及他们所阐释出的“启蒙”内涵的丰富多元性。     

Is a ‘Modi doctrine’ emerging in Indian foreign policy?

Narendra Modi's election as India's prime minister in May 2014 has generated speculation that a new ‘Modi doctrine’ is emerging in Indian foreign policy. This article assesses the evidence for that claim. It argues that a ‘doctrine’ should embody a set of clearly stated principles for foreign policy making. It analyses the main achievements of Modi's policy in the months after his election. It finds that while Modi has brought new energy to the conduct of foreign policy, his approach is essentially pragmatic, and his objectives are similar to those pursued by his two immediate predecessors—Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh.     

From Democracy to Bureaucracy： The Baojia in Nationalist Thought and Practice, 1927-1949

In the 1939 New County Reforms, the Nationalist government made the baojia system the lowest level of self-government in the country. This decision was the result of more than ten years of discussion among Nationalist administrators and writers who were searching for a tutelary system to train the people in their political rights in preparation for constitutional rule. In the 1920s and 1930s, Nationalist writers claimed to be following Sun Zhongshan＇s （Sun Yat-sen） philosophy by reinventing the baojia as a form of democracy. Harkening back to a reimagined national past, they ＂discovered＂ that the imperial baojia was not a system of local control, but a traditional model of bureaucratically-designed local self-government. Nationalist writers dovetailed this new baojia with Sun Zhongshan＇s philosophy in order to rationalize its position as the foundation of the Three Principles of the People State. Once philosophically legitimized, Nationalist writers endorsed the baojia as a top-down bureaucratic system that would transform the political, social, and economic life of the country; it would become the core political unit of their state-making and nation-building projects. In so doing, the baojia came to represent the Nationalists＇ deeply-held belief in the power of human agency to create state institutions capable of entirely remaking society and transforming the nation.     

Excavations in Chinese Turkestan: A review

Concern about the quantity and quality of its labour force has been one of the major factors in bringing about a reversal of Singapore's population policy from anti‐natal to pro‐natal. In addition, the new policy has sought to enhance the quality of the workforce by offering incentives to encourage larger families amongst the more educated Singaporeans. After five years, responses have been muted, partly because of a growing sense of resentment amongst the younger adults towards interference in what are regarded as family decisions.