“History had taken such a large piece out of my life” — Neuroscientist refugees from Hamburg during National Socialism

ABSTRACT

Approximately 9,000 physicians were uprooted for so-called “racial” or “political” reasons by the Nazi regime and 6,000 fled Germany. These refugees are often seen as survivors who contributed to a “brain drain” from Germany. About 432 doctors (all specialties, private and academic) were dismissed from the major German city of Hamburg. Of these, 16 were Hamburg University faculty members dismissed from their government-supported positions for “racial” reasons, and, of these, five were neuroscientists. In a critical analysis, not comprehensively done previously, we will demonstrate that the brain drain did not equal a “brain gain.” The annihilation of these five neuroscientists’ careers under different but similar auspices, their shameful harassment and incarceration, financial expropriation by Nazi ransom techniques, forced migration, and roadblocks once reaching destination countries stalled and set back any hopes of research and quickly continuing once-promising careers. A major continuing challenge is finding ways to repair an open wound and obvious vacuum in the German neuroscience community created by the largely collective persecution of colleagues 80 years ago.     

新时代边疆治理现代化研究:内涵、价值与路向

边疆治理现代化,不仅构成了国家治理这一循环链条赖以持续运转的物质性基石,也是国家治理之治理追求在价值层面得以存立的要素补充。实现边疆治理的逻辑更新,将边疆由一“边缘性”话语进位为一个蕴含生机与创造活力的前沿领域,使其实现“本体性”价值的复归与实践路径的“整体性”嵌合,是新时代边疆治理现代化的应有之义。推进边疆治理现代化,要坚持正确的政治导向,深化问题导向意识,注重梳理“知识性”内容,在“以人民为中心”的价值指引下持续夯实基础性资源。     

Creating environmental subjects: Conservation as counter-insurgency in Aceh,Indonesia, 1925–1940

This article examines the creation of Gunung Leuser Wildlife Reserve in the highlands of Aceh, Indonesia within the context of the Dutch-Aceh War in the early twentieth century, arguing that conservation was used as a form of counter-insurgency. While the agendas of the colonial military and conservationists diverged at times, they overlapped in their goals to secure Leuser from resident communities, whom they viewed as a threat to colonial order and the ecologies of the region. This article draws together the discourses of militarized conservation with their material implications. It does so by examining the nexus of military and conservation discourses, the historical context of park creation, and the processes by which colonial actors stole rights to land and created new laws and regulations dictating the people's relationships with and access to land. Scholars have shown that conservation discourses continue to normalize human rights abuses, Indigenous dispossession and displacement, and deadly violence against local peoples. These discursive tactics frame expertise and responsibility as residing in the hands of white elites who are tasked with saving imperiled environments from the people who depend on them for subsistence. I suggest that the military and conservation agendas were both operating within overlapping, constructed frameworks of crisis and emergency that constituted the resident communities as anti-environmental subjects. Discourses of environmental crisis in Leuser held a power that justified militarization while concealing the violence from international constituencies at a historical moment when an ideology of Western responsibility for threatened species around the world was growing. Moreover, the history of Leuser as viewed through the analytical framework of militarized conservation helps us rethink the history of Aceh. Through this framework, it becomes evident that the Dutch-Aceh War did not end in 1913, as many historians suggest, but instead continued throughout the colonial period.     

谭克敏与抗战时期贵州的新县制改革

国民政府于1935年结束地方军绅势力长期控制贵州的局面,随后在县以下推行保甲制,加大国家权力向地方社会渗透的力度,希望将基层社会全面纳入国民政府的掌控之中,但收效甚微。1940年,谭克敏就任贵州省政府民政厅长后,开始大力推行新县制,内容包括整理行政区域、调整行政机构、创建民意机关、训练基层干部等诸多方面。谭克敏作为贵州出生的本土官员,其主持的民政厅成为贯彻中央意志和协调地方利益的关键机构。在人才缺乏、经费拮据的情况下,通过新县制的实施,国家权力在贵州基层社会以前所未有的力度向下渗透。     

The Impact and Compensation of Offshore Wind Farm Development: Analysing the Institutional Discourse from a French Case Study

Abstract

In France, the public acceptability of marine renewable energies and their impacts on ecosystem services (ES) involves questions about compensation for stakeholders, who may perceive some of their activities and interests to be modified. This paper seeks to understand how impacts on ES are perceived by institutional stakeholders and what is expected in terms of compensation. It also seeks to identify the communities of practice affected. We focus our study on the planned offshore wind farm in the bay of Saint-Brieuc. Our results show that institutional discourse is heterogeneous, depending on sensitivities, interests, and who or what the stakeholders surveyed represent or defend. Stakeholders' discourse can be interpreted on various gradients of perception. Six distinct communities of practice have been identified, based on the impacts perceived by institutional stakeholders. Lastly, we show that the community of practice seems to be a proper level at which to study perceptions and assess the no-net-loss goal.     

试论日伪的东亚联盟运动

日本侵华战争期间,在日本国内和中国伪政权统治区曾分别形成了规模庞大的东亚联盟运动。东亚联盟运动以“王道主义”为指导理念,以“国防共同、经济一体化、政治独立、文化沟通”为基本内容,从思想上、文化上为日本独占中国、称霸世界的目的服务。日本的东亚联盟以尊重中国的“政治独立”相标榜,比日本国内其他侵略理论和“兴亚”运动更加具有欺骗性。汪精卫伪国民政府的东亚联盟运动则与新国民运动相配合,旨在加强伪政权的统治,为投敌行径制造理论根据。     

军国民教育会与同盟会的成立

在1903年的拒俄运动中,中国知识分子由爱国而革命,在运动中所形成的军国民教育会,是我国知识界革命团体的先行.它的运动员回国组织发动了一次武装起义,同时创导暗杀朝廷官员,对社会造成巨大震动.1905年在东京,主动与孙中山合作,组织中国同盟会,是我国近代革命的里程碑.     

Place, national identity and post-socialist transformations: an introduction

This paper serves as an introduction to this theme issue on the topic of post-socialist identity politics surrounding nation building, national identity and nationalism. It presents an overview of the key processes of post-socialist identity formation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) in order to contextualise this collection of papers. This introduction outlines the key processes of identity formation and the treatment of nationalism under conditions of state-socialism, and then identifies the main processes of identity formation which have emerged in discourses surrounding nations and nationalities in post-socialist CEE and the FSU. A short account of each of the papers in the theme issue is then presented to identify the common strands of their analyses of post-socialist nationalisms.     

仪式政治:国民党与南京国民政府对孙中山的祭祀典礼

国民党与南京国民政府为标榜是孙中山民主革命思想与事业的合法继承者,把孙中山从“总理”推尊演绎成了“国父”圣符,并为之举行了逝世纪念、奉安纪念与诞辰纪念三种典礼仪式。从仪式政治与国家祭祀的角度对前两种典礼仪式进行系统的史学考察,并挖掘和诠释其表象背后的政治思想与社会文化内蕴,不仅有利于把握“后孙中山时代”民国官方对孙中山政治遗产的利用与运作体系,而且有利于继承和弘扬孙中山的民主革命精神与思想。