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101.
民国时期乡村教育问题研究述评   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
刘克辉 《史学月刊》2007,3(11):107-113
20世纪二三十年代,是乡村教育发展的黄金时期。新中国以来,人们对乡村教育问题的研究,主要集中在乡村教育思潮和乡村教育实验区及其代表人物、乡村私塾与乡村学校的关系、乡村教育经费、乡村教师及其待遇、乡村师范、乡村社会教育等方面。由于资料限制和意识形态的影响,人们对民国时期乡村教育问题研究不够全面和深入,评价有失偏颇,需要做进一步的工作,才能有所创新和突破。  相似文献   
102.
谷跃峰 《史学月刊》2007,(12):65-69
冯玉祥的国民军1925年10月进入甘肃,驻军5年之久,对甘肃社会产生了深刻的影响。国民军实行全省军政和财政统一,整顿吏治;宣传国民革命和新三民主义,使新思想和新思潮广泛传播;发展经济,创办学校,促进甘肃文化教育事业的发展,使甘肃社会发生了前所未有的变迁。  相似文献   
103.
晚清民国时期桂越民间边贸与民族融合   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
晚清民国时期,随着外来经济势力的侵入,桂越民间边贸得到了进一步发展,对广西边境地区的民族融合产生了深刻的影响。本文通过探讨晚清民国时期桂越民间边贸对广西边境地区的民族融合的作用,希望有助于加强广西边境地区的研究。  相似文献   
104.
During the Anti-Japanese War, universities became an important arena for the competition between GMD and CCP, as well as the contention among various nationalist factions. The GMD branch in the National Southwest Associated University was the most active one among its university party branches during the wartime. About half of the professors joined the GMD, and the university authorities also tolerated professors and students in other parties and factions. The professors made up a heterogeneous group that included “democratic fighters” like Wen Yiduo and “faithful party members” like Yao Congwu. The co-existence of intellectual elites belonging to different parties and factions created a highly tolerant “fortress of democracy” on campus. Translated by Zhou Weiwei from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (4):125–148  相似文献   
105.
106.
Due to increased awareness and impact of domestic violence, women's safety in the domestic sphere has become a prominent problem in Australian politics. In an analysis of criminal injuries compensation (CIC) processes in WA, this paper highlights a specific aspect of national policy failure in relation to safety for women who have experienced domestic and family violence. It establishes policy impetus to acknowledge a right to protection by the state within the domestic sphere, then discusses the history and relevance of state responsibility/obligations for victims of crime compensation and demonstrates how the failure to comply with the nationally endorsed plan to address domestic violence places some women at risk of further harm. The example of WA's victims of crime compensation processes highlights the high level of female domestic violence victims using the scheme and important intersectional issues pertinent for Indigenous women. The paper points to how a specific failure of policy implementation may be addressed.  相似文献   
107.
翁有为 《史学月刊》2020,(4):96-102
全面抗战前南京国民政府省制变革是近代中国省制变革的一个重要历史阶段。这一时期,大体经历了南京国民政府初期的省区分治与权势平衡、二次北伐完成后关于省财权人事权和军事权的央地博弈与武力纷争、中原大战后集权与分治的微妙平衡三个阶段的演变。南京政府正常的省权制度变革无法有序展开,在体制内却只能依靠军事和战争手段解决。这是最下策之下策,而且无法真正有效解决省权过大问题。直到全面抗战前夕,省制变革一直成为牵引中国时局演化与社会变动的中枢和焦点问题。  相似文献   
108.
从本质上讲,中国现代平民教育运动是一场国民教育运动。20世纪20年代公民教育运动兴起后,晏阳初等人虽然也曾致力于此,但无论从其思想认识还是从社会实践上看,均不出国民教育的范围。平民教育运动在塑造现代国民方面的主要贡献,是向底层社会播散现代国家观念和国民意识,这从当时编写的平民千字课本中可以看出来。平教运动期间通过平民千字课向底层社会播散现代国家观念与国民意识的做法,对我们今天完成民族复兴大业,仍有着重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
109.
This article examines the creation of Gunung Leuser Wildlife Reserve in the highlands of Aceh, Indonesia within the context of the Dutch-Aceh War in the early twentieth century, arguing that conservation was used as a form of counter-insurgency. While the agendas of the colonial military and conservationists diverged at times, they overlapped in their goals to secure Leuser from resident communities, whom they viewed as a threat to colonial order and the ecologies of the region. This article draws together the discourses of militarized conservation with their material implications. It does so by examining the nexus of military and conservation discourses, the historical context of park creation, and the processes by which colonial actors stole rights to land and created new laws and regulations dictating the people's relationships with and access to land. Scholars have shown that conservation discourses continue to normalize human rights abuses, Indigenous dispossession and displacement, and deadly violence against local peoples. These discursive tactics frame expertise and responsibility as residing in the hands of white elites who are tasked with saving imperiled environments from the people who depend on them for subsistence. I suggest that the military and conservation agendas were both operating within overlapping, constructed frameworks of crisis and emergency that constituted the resident communities as anti-environmental subjects. Discourses of environmental crisis in Leuser held a power that justified militarization while concealing the violence from international constituencies at a historical moment when an ideology of Western responsibility for threatened species around the world was growing. Moreover, the history of Leuser as viewed through the analytical framework of militarized conservation helps us rethink the history of Aceh. Through this framework, it becomes evident that the Dutch-Aceh War did not end in 1913, as many historians suggest, but instead continued throughout the colonial period.  相似文献   
110.
边疆治理现代化,不仅构成了国家治理这一循环链条赖以持续运转的物质性基石,也是国家治理之治理追求在价值层面得以存立的要素补充。实现边疆治理的逻辑更新,将边疆由一“边缘性”话语进位为一个蕴含生机与创造活力的前沿领域,使其实现“本体性”价值的复归与实践路径的“整体性”嵌合,是新时代边疆治理现代化的应有之义。推进边疆治理现代化,要坚持正确的政治导向,深化问题导向意识,注重梳理“知识性”内容,在“以人民为中心”的价值指引下持续夯实基础性资源。  相似文献   
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