基于模糊综合评价的标识牌解说效果研究——以北京松山国家级自然保护区为例

标识牌是目前被运用最为广泛的解说媒介之一,但我国现阶段对自然保护区标识牌的研究偏重于规划设计方法与内容,对其解说效果的研究明显不足。本文基于以上背景,选择具有代表性的北京松山国家级自然保护区为研究区,从游客视角出发对标识牌解说效果进行研究。运用因子分析法,构建了研究区标识牌评估指标体系,包括标识牌外型、解说技巧和解说内容等三个方面共21项因子。并采用多层次模糊评价法,定量评价了研究区标识牌的解说效果。评估结果表明,研究区标识牌外型因子和解说内容因子解说效果中等,解说技巧因子解说效果较差。     

Localising the Australian National Action Plan on Women,Peace and Security: a matter of justice

In the bid for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, the Australian government emphasised international peace and security and Indigenous peoples as two of the eight key elements supporting its nomination. Australia's positive track record in support of the UN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the delivery of an Australian National Action Plan (NAP) along with recognition of historical injustices to Indigenous Australians, was highlighted as a valid and important argument in favour of its nomination. The Australian NAP, however, has all but ignored the local context in its development and application, focusing instead on its commitments abroad. This framing of the Australian NAP is informed, firstly, by the WPS agenda policy framework applying to conflict and post-conflict situations, and, secondly, by its location within the UN mandate, requiring those situations to be internationally recognised. This article applies Nancy Fraser's tripartite justice framework to reveal that the Australian NAP gives rise to the political injustice of ‘misrepresentation’ in relation to intra-state (violent), domestically situated Indigenous–settler relations, which are denied the status of ongoing internationally recognised conflict. The author suggests that the remedy to this injustice is to reframe and recognise the conflict status of Indigenous–settler relations in the localisation of the Australian NAP. This localisation creates openings for Indigenous Australian women to engage with the WPS agenda in meaningful ways.     

Citizenship and religion in the Italian constitutions, 1796-1849

This article explores the link between religion and politics, religious liberty and the rights of religious minorities, by focusing on the constitutions which Italian states adopted and discarded from 1796 to 1849. It concerns questions about the ‘national character’ and the rights and duties of the citizen, and argues that - far from being ‘an outlet’ for material discontent - questions of religious identity and pluralism were integral to the Risorgimento definition of liberty. In this context, the author explores also the Mazzinian vision of a democratic republic inspired by an acephalous and non-hierarchical civil religion, similar to the Unitarian Transcendentalism practiced by some of his New York admirers - a far cry from the ‘religions of politics’ inspired by Saint Simon and Auguste Comte.     

清末民初的“纪年”变革与国家建构

清末,中国传统时间思维受到西方线性时间观念的冲击而发生根本变革,纪年变革就是这种变化最为直接的表现。知识分子将纪年视为建构＂现代国家＂的重要方面,并为争夺纪年所具有的政治资源展开激烈论争。民国建立之后,革命党人将建构新纪年体系视为革新政治的重要标志,并在社会上大力播扬新纪年的意义,此做法却受到了普通民众的抵制。时间观念及与之相伴的生活习俗与现实政治之间的复杂关系是近代社会变革的重要论题。     

仪式政治:国民党与南京国民政府对孙中山的祭祀典礼

国民党与南京国民政府为标榜是孙中山民主革命思想与事业的合法继承者,把孙中山从“总理”推尊演绎成了“国父”圣符,并为之举行了逝世纪念、奉安纪念与诞辰纪念三种典礼仪式。从仪式政治与国家祭祀的角度对前两种典礼仪式进行系统的史学考察,并挖掘和诠释其表象背后的政治思想与社会文化内蕴,不仅有利于把握“后孙中山时代”民国官方对孙中山政治遗产的利用与运作体系,而且有利于继承和弘扬孙中山的民主革命精神与思想。     

民国时期乡村教育问题研究述评

20世纪二三十年代,是乡村教育发展的黄金时期。新中国以来,人们对乡村教育问题的研究,主要集中在乡村教育思潮和乡村教育实验区及其代表人物、乡村私塾与乡村学校的关系、乡村教育经费、乡村教师及其待遇、乡村师范、乡村社会教育等方面。由于资料限制和意识形态的影响,人们对民国时期乡村教育问题研究不够全面和深入,评价有失偏颇,需要做进一步的工作,才能有所创新和突破。     

国民军入甘及其对甘肃社会的影响

冯玉祥的国民军1925年10月进入甘肃,驻军5年之久,对甘肃社会产生了深刻的影响。国民军实行全省军政和财政统一,整顿吏治;宣传国民革命和新三民主义,使新思想和新思潮广泛传播;发展经济,创办学校,促进甘肃文化教育事业的发展,使甘肃社会发生了前所未有的变迁。     

晚清民国时期桂越民间边贸与民族融合

晚清民国时期,随着外来经济势力的侵入,桂越民间边贸得到了进一步发展,对广西边境地区的民族融合产生了深刻的影响。本文通过探讨晚清民国时期桂越民间边贸对广西边境地区的民族融合的作用,希望有助于加强广西边境地区的研究。     

战时大学校园中的国民党:以西南联大为中心

During the Anti-Japanese War, universities became an important arena for the competition between GMD and CCP, as well as the contention among various nationalist factions. The GMD branch in the National Southwest Associated University was the most active one among its university party branches during the wartime. About half of the professors joined the GMD, and the university authorities also tolerated professors and students in other parties and factions. The professors made up a heterogeneous group that included “democratic fighters” like Wen Yiduo and “faithful party members” like Yao Congwu. The co-existence of intellectual elites belonging to different parties and factions created a highly tolerant “fortress of democracy” on campus. Translated by Zhou Weiwei from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (4):125–148