也论裴子野的《宋略》

《宋略》始作于永元二年五月之后 ,成稿于天监三年裴子野除右军安成王参军之前 ;是书采撷颇广 ,与沈约《宋书》同闻异述 ,其立意构思复因作者的经世情怀而迥异于前此诸编年史。由于时代需求的变易 ,曾长期饮誉史坛的传经之史《宋略》 ,最终散佚于两宋之际的兵燹之灾。     

Following America into the second industrial revolution: new rules of competition and Ontario's farm machinery industry, 1850–1930

Despite the hiatus in farm expansion from 1880 to 1900, Canadian‐owned Massey‐Harris became a competitive multinational corporation as American branch plants arrived in Ontario. This equivocal performance in Canada's agricultural implements industry poses problems for explanations of Canada's branch plant economy. Most commentators blame an ill‐conceived National Policy for promoting and protecting inefficient industry and frustrating industrial development. In reviewing their explanations, I use systematic comparisons among plants as well as between the Ontario, New York, Ohio, and Illinois industries. I argue that Canada's National Policy was an effective industrial policy that promoted competitive implement manufacture under the constraints of Victorian era technology. Problems emerged in the 1880s, however, as Chicago firms developed mass production in harvesting machinery, and these became entrenched as gasoline tractor development swept the industry after 1900. Ontario firms struggled, but they outperformed competitors in New York and Ohio, who had been industry leaders in] 880. Canada's branch plant economy in the farm machinery industry was made in Chicago and by mechanical engineers, not in Ottawa and by politicians. En dépit de l'hiatus dans l'expansion du pare agricole entre 1880 et 1900, la société canadienne Massey‐Harris est devenue une grande société multinational compétitive lorsque des usines‐succursales américaines ont fait leur arrivée en l'Ontario. Cette baisse de performance de I'Industrie canadienne de fabrication d'outils et d'engins agricoles pose des problèmes sur le plan de l'explication de l'économie des usines‐succursales canadiennes. Pour la plupart des analystes, cette situation serait due à une politique nationals mal‐conçue. Celle‐ci aurait favorisé et protégé une Industrie inefficace, et ainsi frustré le développement industriel. En passant en revue ces analyses, je procède à une série de comparisons systématiques, d'une part des usines entre elles et, d'autre part, entre les industries de New York, de l'Ohio et de l'lllinois. J'avance que la Politique nationale canadienne etait une politique industrielle efficace qui a su promouvoir une Industrie de fabrication d'outils et d'engins agricoles compétitive dans le cadre de la technologie de l'époque victorienne et de ses contraintes. Des problèmes, qui ont fait leur apparition au cours des années 1880, suite à l'adoption par les sociétés de Chicago de la production de masse des moissonneuses, ont perduré suite à l'arrivée en masse des tracteurs à essence après 1900. Ce fut un moment très difficile pour les sociétés de l'Ontario mais elles réussirent à battre leurs concurrents de New York et de l'Ohio qui étaient leaders de l'industrie en 1880. Dans l'industrie des engins agricoles, le sort de l'économie des usines‐succursales était décidéà Chicago, par des ingénieurs en mécanique agricole, non à Ottawa, par des hommes politiques.     

美国国会与美国政府对华决策(1949．1～1950．6)

新中国成立前后 ,美国国会深深卷入了美国政府对华政策的制定过程。当时 ,美国国会要求政府继续给予国民党政权经济、军事援助 ,主张军事保卫台湾 ,反对承认新中国。美国国会议员援蒋反共的行为动机既有传统政治因素的影响 ,也受特殊时代背景的制约。新中国成立前后美国国会在对华决策中扮演了一个至关重要的角色 ,但其影响并非支配性的     

"不承认主义"政策在美国对华外交中的首次使用

中国史学界对美国“不承认主义”外交政策的介绍往往是与“史汀生主义”相提并论的,而事实上“不承认主义”并不等于“史汀生主义”,它的使用范围远远超过了“史汀生主义”的使用范围。更为重要的是,1932年“史汀生主义”的提出,并非美国政府第一次对华使用“不承认主义”外交政策,早在1915年,美国就在对华问题上使用过“不承认主义”外交政策了。     

Nuclear Superiority in the Age of Parity: US Planning,Intelligence Analysis,Weapons Innovation and the Search for a Qualitative Edge 1969–1976

ABSTRACT

This paper argues that between 1969 and 1976 US policy-makers actively sought to transcend nuclear parity. The Nixon and Ford administrations demonstrated increasing uneasiness toward nuclear parity and yet, proved unwilling to match the Soviet Union quantitatively. In the search for an answer to the question of what strategic superiority was in the age of parity, they came to understand it in distinctly qualitative terms, adopting a number of decisions related to nuclear planning, intelligence analysis of the nuclear balance, and nuclear weapons innovation and modernization, aimed at securing a qualitative edge over the USSR.     

论尼赫鲁政府的和平核政策

在先经济后国防的发展战略以及尼赫鲁反核伦理思想的指导下，从1947年8月到1964年5月，尼赫鲁政府奉行和平核政策，坚持和平利用核能，反对发展核武器；鼓吹核裁军，主张全面禁止核试验；着眼经济建设大局，加强核基础设施建设。1962年印度发动对华战争及其惨败，预示着扩张权势、增强防务的努力开始逐步取代经济优先的基本国策，尼赫鲁的反核伦理思想和核权威主义开始动摇，对华战争后关于核问题的公开辩论说明尼赫鲁和平核政策开始受到冲击，印度核政策的变革即将随着尼赫鲁时代的结束而到来。     

Monkfish Mysteries. A Narrative Analysis of Place-making and Knowledge Production among North Norwegian Fishermen

Abstract

In this article, major focus is on creative production of knowledge needed to outsmart the monkfish at deep seafloor locations. This production is examined through narrative analysis. Narratives link individual human actions, events and experiences into interrelated aspects of an understandable composite. This is a cumulative process that shows some of the complexity and contextuality of everyday meaning-making. One recurrent question is, how do fish think? How fishermen construct narratives about the behavior of marine animals and their preferred underwater habitats is presented and analyzed. Some narratives are contested but all the same influence human–animal interaction. Narrative work further establishes and confirms common ideas, informed by marine biological science, fishermen's experiences, creative imagination and hopes. These narratives address topics also related to overfishing and resilience.     

'A question of loyalty': mussolinismo and the collapse of the Italian Fascist regime in 1943

The view of a largely monolithic, 'totalitarian' regime and society in Fascist Italy (which still carries a lot of conviction with an influential group of historians) has been challenged from a number of different viewpoints. The common denominator of this sceptical approach is that, in spite of whatever ideological intentions the Fascist leadership or movement had vis-à-vis the totalitarian transformation of Italian society, the regime failed in establishing deep,enduring structures of social control and active consensus. This article focuses on the Italian regime's (abortive) attempt to substitute the traditional web of allegiances which operated in Italian society with a new, unitary sense of loyalty to Fascism. The main problem identified here is what we may call mussolinismo – the growing tendency of the system to rely on Mussolini's personal decisions and initiatives, often in contradiction to the initial spirit of Fascism or to the views of prominent Fascist figures (Bottai, Balbo, Grandi, etc.). But the article also explores the reasons behind the apparent inability of the dissidents within the Fascist hierarchy to contemplate active opposition to Mussolini – something that happened only on the eleventh hour, in July 1943. Through examining the (often critical) views of important Fascist figures about the regime's political direction (nature of the regime, Axis alliance, etc.), a more complex sense of loyalty to the Duce personally emerges – a form of loyalty that remained non-rational and essentially tautological to the notion of loyalty to Fascism itself. This explains why, in the dramatic July 1943 Grand Council meeting, the vote against Mussolini could for the first time be contemplated in the face of total Fascist collapse as an act of repudiating Fascism as a whole. L'idea di che esistesse una coesione monolitico 'totalitaria' tra regime e società nell'Italia fascista (la quale è ancora di gran lunga diffusa in un gruppo influente di storici) è stata critica da diversi punti di vista. Il comune denominatore di un tale scettico è che, rispetto a qualsiasi motivazione ideologica che la classe dirigente fascista o il movimento stesso ebbe nel tentativo di trasformare la società italiana secondo un indirizzo totalitario, il regime fallì nel costruire strutture radicate e durevoli per ottenere il controllo sulla società ed ottenerne il dovuto consenso. Questo articolo è finalizzato all'analisi del tentativo fallimentare del regime fascista di sostituire la rete tradizionale di legami culturali e sociali esistente nel Paese con un sentimento nuovo ed unitario di lealtà verso il Fascismo. L'aspetto principale che viene posto in evidenza è quello che potremmo definire come mussolinismo , ossia, la tendenza crescente da parte del regime di dipendere sulle decisioni ed iniziative personali di Mussolini, spesso in contrasto con lo spirito ideologico iniziale del Fascismo, o perfino con le concezioni politiche di altri esponenti del regime (Bottai, Balbo, Grandi). L'articolo, inoltre, esplora le ragioni, al di là di una apparente incapacità, da parte dei dissidenti all'interno della gerarchia fascista ad intraprendere una opposizione attiva ai danni di Mussolini - un'opposizione che divenne realtà solo all'ultima ora, nel luglio del 1943. Attraverso un esame (spesso critico) delle visioni e prospettive che esponenti fascisti di primo piano ebbero sulla direzione politica del regime (natura del regime, partecipazione nell'Asse, etc.), emerge un sentimento di lealtà verso il Duce di gran lunga più complesso di quello che ci si potrebbe aspettare, e della natura prevalentemente personale - in breve, una forma di lealtà che rimase non razionale ed essenzialmente tautologica alla nozione di lealtà al Fascismo stesso. Tutto questo spiega perché, durante la drammatica riunione del Gran Consiglio del Fascismo del luglio 1943, il voto contro Mussolini poteva essere concepito, nel contesto del collasso generale del regime, come un atto di ripudio totale verso il Fascismo.     

The politics of town planning in post-war Naples

The article examines town planning in the city of Naples since the war and, in ­particular, the ambiguous relations between politicians and policy. The focus of the analysis highlights the failure to give effect to the various master plans (PRG) ­discussed and sometimes adopted by the city authorities. This explains to a large extent the widespread building speculation that occurred in these years.