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11.
清政府对云南的管理与控制 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李世愉 《中国边疆史地研究》2000,(4):22-29
本文认为,清前期对云南的管理与控制,主要是通过解决土司问题,亦即改土归流而达到目的的。作者为此论述了世宗时期在云南实施改土归流的原因、具体措施及其后果。并指出,通过改土归流的实施,清前期对云南的统治是最有成效的,提供了可资借鉴的历史经验。 相似文献
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从《部门报告》看战前港英政府的社会福利事业 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
1909至1939年港英政府的《部门报告》是一份久为人所忽视的档案。该报告显示香港政府在社会福利事业上曾用力不少。与西方相比,其策划规模与客观成就并不落后。 相似文献
14.
美国布什政府对华政策的调整是冷战结束期间美国对外战略调整的一个重要方面.布什当政的四年是美国政府对华政策调整的四年,这一调整过程大致经历了四个阶段.在调整中布什政府对华政策的演变呈现出六大特点一是过程前起后伏;二是目标为演变和遏制中国;三是出发点着眼于长期性和全面性;四是政策的矛盾性;五是突出了人权政策;六是表现出政治问题经济化和经济问题政治化.导致布什政府调整对华政策的直接原因是“六·四”风波,但是,冷战的结束及因此而造成的美国战略利益的转变,才是布什政府改变对华政策的根本动因. 相似文献
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论张学良与“西北国防政府”计划 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
张学良自成局面的设想和中共先行建立地区性国防政府的策略 ,是促成“西北国防政府”计划产生之两大要素。但在该计划的实施步骤及是否反蒋、如何打通苏联等问题上 ,张与中共间存在着某些潜在分歧 ,加之中共的政策由反蒋抗日急剧转向逼蒋抗日 ,打通苏联亦未能成功 ,从而导致该计划终归流产 相似文献
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John Agnew 《Northern history》2020,57(1):120-141
Industrialization brought extensive factory development to northern English counties during the early nineteenth century, with new cotton, wool and worsted mills that employed many child workers. By 1840, some 1800 children, aged less than thirteen, worked in mills across the widespread Bradford parish – mostly in the central townships and predominantly in the worsted trade. Under the 1833 Factory Act, these factory children were restricted to forty-eight hours work per week and were required to attend school two hours each day. Available school provision was often poor and ill-adapted to mill-working hours. After delays, diversions and sustained lobbying, new Bradford schools – under the auspices of the ‘National Schools Society’ but specially targeted on factory children – started to come into being, soon reaching an attendance of some 1000 children. One of these schools – in a new, hastily constructed, building – gained recognition as a ‘model factory school’. Despite the perceived deficiencies of the 1833 Act, despite opposition and despite recurrent difficulties over finance, the 1833 legislation gave ‘leverage’ that, in Bradford, generated a new pattern of schooling. 相似文献
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Guy Podoler 《亚洲研究评论》2017,41(3):424-440
The National Museum of Korean Contemporary History, which opened in 2012, has been the focus of a heated controversy between the progressive and conservative camps over the “proper” ways to represent South Korea’s turbulent history. I build on the relationship between heritage, collective memory and national identity, and argue that the division that typifies South Korean society has implications that extend beyond socio-political issues. Anchored within a broader discursive context, the museum became an important memory carrier involved in the process of debating the issue of national identity. Although no agreement has been reached regarding the “proper” historical narrative the site should exhibit, the museum has nevertheless offered an opportunity to shape a form of national identity that can embrace a more complex perspective on the country’s contemporary history. At present, though, this contentious site has demonstrated the extent to which the legacy of the conservative–progressive divide remains deep. I offer a discursive context that is useful for the study of current debates over heritage sites in South Korea, while the overall analysis illuminates the idea that the “present-centred” management of heritage in national museums can, potentially, play a part in the process of forming more intricate notions of national identity. 相似文献
19.
Karen Wells 《Children's Geographies》2017,15(4):491-497
This viewpoint outlines the likely impact of the election of a Republican government with Donald Trump as President on children, youth and families. It focuses primarily on the impact on undocumented and mixed-status families, and briefly addresses the impacts on children’s health services, juvenile justice and education. 相似文献
20.
Percy Ngonyama 《African Historical Review》2017,49(2):72-101
Adopting the broad inter-disciplinary concept of “memory” and its construction in a public sphere, I examine some of the ways in which memories of Jabulani Nobleman Nxumalo, known as “Comrade Mzala” in liberation struggle circles, have been constructed and kept alive since his passing. A leading activist of the ANC, MK and the SACP, Mzala succumbed to an illness in a London hospital on February 22, 1991. A number of commemorative events and other activities, including grass-roots and branch-level initiatives, media releases, memorial lectures, colloquia and speeches and tributary statements, are analysed. Their tone, emotion, style and implicit objectives are explored. Notwithstanding the ubiquitous recognition of Mzala's liberation struggle credentials and intellectual prowess, there is no homogeneity in the manner he is remembered and celebrated; nor is there agreement in the reading of Mzala in a post-apartheid South Africa and its associated political and socio- economic context. Moreover, whilst it is predominantly organisations and individuals within the Tripartite Alliance who have been the main proponents of remembering, honouring and memorialising Mzala, there are others, outside of the Alliance and even antagonistic, who find inspiration in his radical world outlook, work and persona; and often use their memory of Mzala to critique the current political and economic conjuncture. 相似文献